Hamengkubuwono X, a leader people trust<\/p>\n
By Asip Agus Hasani<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): One of the few cities that has retained its
\nreputation as a peaceful place up to this day is the ancient city
\nof Yogyakarta, which has been spared the rioting which has left
\nmuch of Indonesia in ruins.<\/p>\n
This is in times of political turmoil, a fact that should
\nindeed be taken notice of as the Yogyakarta province, especially
\nthe city, is highly heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity,
\nsocioeconomic status and religion -- a diversity which has
\ntriggered social tension elsewhere in the country.<\/p>\n
Although the military's harsh intervention in many of last
\nyears proreform demonstrations often provoked violent resistance
\nby the demonstrating masses and even triggered massive rioting in
\ncities all over Indonesia, such as Jakarta and Surakarta,
\nYogyakarta has managed to remained calm.<\/p>\n
Being one of the hottest spots as far as student
\nantigovernment protests are concerned and despite frequent
\nclashes between security forces and demonstrators, to many's
\namazement, no major rioting occurred.<\/p>\n
Along with Bali, Yogyakarta is therefore considered the
\n\"safest place\" among major cities in Indonesia. Many credit this
\nto Sultan Hamengku Buwono X, the most charismatic local leader
\nwho is also the governor of Yogyakarta province.<\/p>\n
During last May's nationwide unrest which led to the fall of
\npresident Soeharto, Yogyakarta was among the cities that were
\nhome to daily student demonstrations. But among these cities, it
\nwas one of the few where the students' demands for reforms was
\npaid attention to by their local leader, the sultan.<\/p>\n
On May 20, just a day before Soeharto resigned from office,
\nthe sultan confirmed his support for peaceful political reform in
\nthe presence of an estimated one million people gathered in front
\nof his palace.<\/p>\n
\"As a Javanese, I believe in the philosophy that power should
\nserve the people,\" he said in a recent interview with The Jakarta
\nPost.<\/p>\n
His popularity has won him a good reputation on the national
\npolitical stage and his name has already been listed as a
\npossible presidential candidates along with other well-known
\nnames such as Megawati Soekarnoputri, Amien Rais, B.J. Habibie
\nand Abdurrahman Wahid.<\/p>\n
Despite his huge popularity in Yogyakarta, his critics label
\nhim a conservative and feudalistic leader, incapable of promoting
\nthe reforms modern Indonesia is demanding.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, the father of five has been able to maintain
\ngood foreign relations once established by his father, the late
\nSultan Hamengku Buwono IX.<\/p>\n
Born Bandoro Raden Mas Herdjuno Darpito on April 2, 1946,
\nSultan Hamengku Buwono X received the royal name Kanjeng Gusti
\nPangeran Haryo (KGPH) Mangkubumi, after being named crown prince
\nin his early adulthood.<\/p>\n
Earning his Bachelor degree in laws from Gadjah Mada
\nUniversity in 1982, he ascended the throne in March 1989, five
\nmonths after his father's death.<\/p>\n
Married to Bandoro Raden Ayu (BRAy) Tatiek Dradjat
\nSuprihastuti, who has now assumed the royal name Gusti Kanjeng
\nRatu Hemas, he is the father of five daughters: Gusti Raden Ajeng
\nNurmalita Sari, 27, Gusti Raden Ayu Nurma Gupita, 25, Gusti Raden
\nAjeng Nurkamnari Dewi, 21, Gusti Raden Ajeng Nurabra Juwita, 16,
\nand Gusti Raden Ajeng Nur Astuti Wijareni, 13.<\/p>\n
The following is an excerpt taken from an interview with the
\nsultan.<\/p>\n
Question: Some doubt your commitment to reform on the grounds
\nthat you, as a sultan, represent feudalism. What is your comment?<\/p>\n
Answer: To agree or disagree is something natural. There are
\nsome people that know about my ideas and others who only know my
\n\"epidermis\". Those criticizing me belong to the second category.
\nBut I don't really have a problem with it.<\/p>\n
Q: But a palace is always associated with feudalism...<\/p>\n
A: It's true. A palace is feudalistic and nepotistic. But I am
\nsmart enough to know how to behave inside the palace and outside
\nof it. Do all people know about this?<\/p>\n
Let's talk about Britain to illustrate my point. When Lady
\nDiana died, the royal family and the public differed in opinion
\non the funeral of the princess, who was divorced from Prince
\nCharles. Buckingham insisted on holding on to the centuries-old
\nroyal feudalistic tradition despite public objection.<\/p>\n
What I want to say is that even in modern Europe, ancient
\nfeudalistic formalities are still maintained in disregard of
\npublic opinion.<\/p>\n
This is not the case with the palace of Yogyakarta. Here every
\nsultan has the right to change formality as time demands. That's
\nexactly what I have been doing: innovation, administrative
\nreorganization. I have modernized the way in which the palace is
\nmanaged and distributed power.<\/p>\n
Q: Would you explain the Javanese understanding of power?<\/p>\n
A: The philosophy of power is universal. It doesn't make a
\ndifference whether a country is led by a monarch or a democrat as
\nlong as this leader sincerely serves the country.<\/p>\n
Q: What is the purpose of the reform movement?<\/p>\n
A: It intends to change things for the better. It's an agenda of
\nchange for anything that is no longer suitable for modern
\nIndonesia. Reform would be incomplete without a change of the
\n(political) structure. The reform movement will only be effective
\nwith the pursuit of its goals if the institutions are reformed
\ntoo. Cultural reform is also a must.<\/p>\n
Q: What was the mistake of the Soeharto administration that
\ntriggered the reform movement?<\/p>\n
A: The Soeharto administration had a lot of weaknesses. It failed
\nto change in times of fast developments because it did not
\ncommunicate with the public.<\/p>\n
Students targeted president Soeharto because he presented the
\ninability or reluctance to change that was found throughout his
\nadministration. They knew reform would be impossible unless
\nSoeharto resigned.<\/p>\n
Q: After Soeharto's resignation, the nation was still rocked by
\nturmoil and further riots were causing fear of disintegration.
\nWhat do you think about that?<\/p>\n
A: The economic crisis has brought about difficult times to
\neveryone. As soon as people feel their lifestyles are being
\nthreatened and while social problems get worse, they seem to lose
\ntheir tolerance of others.<\/p>\n
Increasingly, many people are becoming dogmatic and
\nideological in their religion, and this is another problem. This
\nexplains why their religious tolerance is wearing thin. It's a
\ndangerous seed of civil warfare.<\/p>\n
Religious fundamentalism is growing out of the government
\nmisunderstanding of Indonesia's pluralism as the nation's biggest
\nweakness. Conflicts have been suppressed, but not solved at their
\nroots. Plurality is enriching as long as the differences are
\nproperly managed. Our founding fathers proved this to be true.<\/p>\n
Q: Despite Yogyakarta's pluralistic population the city has
\nstayed rather safe. What are the reasons?<\/p>\n
A: Yogyakarta's safety has many reasons. The area is relatively
\nsmall and people are generally well educated. Also, leaders
\ncommunicate with the public. Yogyakarta is a miniature model
\nproving that plurality does indeed work.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you give yourself credit for this?<\/p>\n
A: Some people argue that people here still respect me as their
\nleader, but it seems unlikely that anybody has the power to
\ncontrol three million people nowadays. I believe people are aware
\nof the fact that violence is not able to solve their problems.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you agree with the idea of Gus Dur (the Nahdlatul Ulama
\nleader) that Soeharto should be involved in a national
\nreconciliatory dialog because of his remaining influence?<\/p>\n
A: I believe Gus Dur has indeed good reasons to defend his
\nassumption and I appreciate his proposal.<\/p>\n
Proreform groups have split into two major camps. Those
\nbelonging to the Amien Rais section want to see Soeharto taken to
\ncourt; the other camp gathering around Gus Dur want to take
\nSoeharto to the reconciliatory table.<\/p>\n
I believe that justice must be served; otherwise legal
\nuncertainty would reign. But we must also be aware of the fact
\nthat Soeharto cannot simply be taken to court without adequate
\nevidence.<\/p>\n
We must be honest with ourselves and acknowledge that there is
\na political factor (in the Soeharto affair). The question is
\nwhether the trial of Soeharto will truly bring the nation peace.<\/p>\n
Amien Rais proposes that Soeharto relinquishes a certain
\nportion of his wealth to the state as an alternative for
\nindictment. But this would not result in legal certainty either,
\nwould it?<\/p>\n
The problem is much more complex because Soeharto has
\nthousands of cronies throughout the country. If all of them were
\nto be tried, would that be legal certainty or uncertainty?<\/p>\n
Q: Many people hope that the upcoming general election will
\nsettle the country's political problem. How much change do you
\nexpect?<\/p>\n
A: The election is vital, but what's more important is that it
\nhas to result in a legitimate government.<\/p>\n
Q: Many fear that the election will set the stage for anarchy...<\/p>\n
A: I can't predict whether violence will mar the election. It
\nwill be more democratic because of the revised electoral law that
\nhas been put in place. I am more and more concerned about the
\nadvancing rivalry among political parties who might start to
\nemploy \"money politics\".<\/p>\n
There might be parties offering between Rp 10,000 and Rp
\n50,000 to people to get them to vote for them. I hope people
\naccepting this money won't feel obliged to vote for the party.<\/p>\n
Q: As a governor, which do you think is more suitable for
\nIndonesia -- federalism or autonomy?<\/p>\n
A: I would prefer if provinces were given a wider authority to
\nmanage their domestic affairs. The central government should only
\nbe able to oversee certain affairs such as foreign relations,
\ndefense, security, jurisdiction and finance. The ministries' jobs
\nshould be limited to coordinating provincial governments'
\nactivities.<\/p>\n
In principle, the autonomy that I conceive has a lot in common
\nwith the one practiced in the U.S., where certain affairs like
\nforeign politics, defense and finance are handled by the central
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
Q: Why should the unitary state be maintained at all?<\/p>\n
A: Because the very nation whose independence was declared on
\nAug. 17, 1945 would no longer exist. Maybe the name would still
\nbe the Republic of Indonesia, but it would not be what it was
\nmeant to be by its founding fathers. It would be a completely
\ndifferent country and the 1945 Constitution would then have to be
\nchanged accordingly.<\/p>\n
I know that the demand to turn Indonesia into a federal state
\nis going to intensify. But many provinces are not prepared for a
\nfederal state because they don't have the human, financial and\/or
\nnatural resources needed. A federal state should stay a vision
\nfor the future, not a short-term alternative.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you think the provinces are already prepared for autonomy?<\/p>\n
A: Well, it depends on the affairs they are supposed to handle.<\/p>\n
Q: What about Yogyakarta?<\/p>\n
A: It wouldn't be a problem for Yogyakarta. As soon as Indonesia
\nwas declared independent in 1945, Yogyakarta took care of its own
\ninternal affairs. This did not change until 1974 when the law on
\nregional administration was passed and most affairs were taken
\nover by the central government.<\/p>\n
If this autonomy should be relinquished, Yogyakarta should not
\nhave a problem.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you plan to eradicate poverty, especially in Gunung
\nKidul?<\/p>\n
A: Gunung Kidul needs an irrigation system so the local farming
\nindustry will be able to plant a greater variety of crops, not
\njust cassava all through the year. The local farmers should be
\nindependent in choosing the crops that suit their needs best.<\/p>\n
Dwindling farmland in contrast to an increasing population
\nrate is our main problem here. A logical alternative would be to
\nallow farmers to grow cash crops.<\/p>\n
Q: How is your relation to the Golkar party?<\/p>\n
A: I am no longer a Golkar functionary, although I retain my
\nmembership. I have not decided yet which party I will vote for.
\n(The sultan formerly headed the local Golkar chapter.)<\/p>\n
Q: Do you have any relation to the Soehartos?<\/p>\n
A: There has never been communication between the Yogyakarta
\npalace and Soeharto. My father might have had relations with
\nthem since he knew Soeharto.<\/p>\n
(Hamengku Buwono IX served as Soeharto's vice president from
\n1973 to 1978.)<\/p>\n
We (the sultan and Soeharto) only used to meet at formal
\nfunctions a long time ago.<\/p>\n
Q: Many people support you as a presidential candidate. What's
\nyour comment?<\/p>\n
A: I won't comment on that. I don't have to become a government
\nofficial to serve the people.<\/p>",
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