Gus Dur's consistency 'being tested in TNI investigation'<\/p>\n
YOGYAKARTA (JP): While civilians are trying to bring the
\nmilitary to accountability, some speculate that President
\nAbdurrahman Wahid is trying to protect it, given his unclear
\nstance. The Jakarta Post interviewed political researcher
\nRiswandha Imawan from Gadjah Mada University last week. The
\nfollowing are excerpts from the interview:<\/p>\n
Question: Several of the military's top brass may be tried in
\na human rights court or even in an international tribunal.
\nPresident Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) seems to back the generals
\nwhile demands continue to put an end to the Indonesian Military's
\n(TNI) social and political role, saying it is the source of
\nalleged atrocities. What do you think?<\/p>\n
Answer: For the time being, Gus Dur will let TNI be involved
\nin politics, for he is still facing a problem of political
\nconsolidation. He will protect the generals from being tried,
\nparticularly in international tribunals. Gus Dur greatly needs
\nTNI's support to cope with the threat of disintegration coming
\nfrom Aceh, Irian Jaya and so on, apart from facing the negative
\nexcesses of reform -- "consolidated anarchy" instead of
\ndemocracy. But if Gus Dur succeeds in preserving Aceh, he will
\nimmediately play his other cards to send the military back to the
\nbarracks. There is no guarantee at all that Gus Dur will continue
\nto back the military.<\/p>\n
The approach toward TNI so far has been inevitable for Gus
\nDur's government because he has begun to realize the weakness of
\nhis largely accommodative stance which is beginning to have a
\nnegative effect on his Cabinet.<\/p>\n
In the beginning, Gus Dur was often quite cynical toward the
\nmilitary. He expressed anger at former minister of information
\nGen. Yunus Yosfiah, saying that a general did not understand
\nthe affairs of the common people. That was an extraordinary
\nstatement, showing his overall view toward the military.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur also made a controversial decision in the withdrawal
\nof all nonlocal troops, including the special forces from Aceh.
\nHe expected that politicians would back his stance against the
\nmilitary. But it was clear that they did not give their entire
\nsupport and instead played behind his back.<\/p>\n
Examples included the confusion over the resignation of former
\nminister Hamzah Haz, and the ensuing statements from Amien Rais
\n(suggesting a maneuver against the Muslim-oriented 'axis force'),
\nwhich showed lack of loyalty of the ministers and their sponsors
\ntoward the President (Gus Dur had stated he had formed the
\nCabinet with others who acted as "guarantors" of the new
\nministers including Amien). This has threatened Gus Dur's
\nposition.<\/p>\n
That's why Gus Dur acts as if he is supporting the
\nmilitary ... That he dared to say no to the option of Aceh's
\nindependence meant he must have had the support of the military,
\nassuming they were ready for repressive measures against the
\nfreedom movement there.<\/p>\n
Q: So, the President will no longer protect the generals from
\ndemands of justice against rights abuses once the disintegration
\nthreats and chaos are solved?<\/p>\n
A: That's what I see, that he would back the military only to
\navoid the worst possibility of repressive action toward demands
\nfor a referendum in Aceh, and the potential of calls for
\nindependence elsewhere like in Irian Jaya. Once the problems are
\nsolved, Gus Dur could still ask the military to return to their
\nbarracks. But if he is not careful he could also be trapped into
\nan authoritarian rule once he has larger support from the
\nmilitary.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you think Abdurrahman's recent visit and lobbies to foreign
\ngovernments could reduce his dependence on TNI in handling
\nthreats of disintegration?<\/p>\n
A: I think so. But remember that we cannot trust the
\ninternational community just like that. Don't believe that those
\ngovernments recognize Aceh as an Indonesian territory, because
\nonce a referendum is conducted with an option for independence
\nand if the independence side wins and becomes open (to foreign
\ncountries), even neighboring countries could acknowledge Aceh.
\nTheir interest lies in the Malacca Straits.<\/p>\n
We should learn from East Timor. It was the American
\ngovernment that gave the Indonesian government a green light to
\nenter East Timor, but it was also America that edged Indonesia
\nout. International politics is based on interest, not ideology.
\nIt is this fact which has led Gus Dur's government to keep the
\nmilitary under its wing, at least in these difficult times.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you think Abdurrahman holds an important card over the
\nmilitary?<\/p>\n
A: Obviously. This was reflected from the statement of Minister
\nof Foreign Affairs Alwi Shihab, that the maneuvers to open trade
\nlinks with Israel were part of efforts to save the generals from
\nan international tribunal. His statement was clearly an effort to
\ndraw sympathy from the generals, that the planned ties with
\nIsrael were not only for the sake of trade. Gus Dur's efforts to
\nlink up with China can be seen in the same light; China has veto
\nrights on the United Nation's Security Council. Gus Dur has also
\nstated he is against the generals being tried at an international
\ntribunal, and has urged that they be tried in this country.<\/p>\n
Q: What do you think of the allegation of human rights abuses?<\/p>\n
A: Frankly, all military operations throughout the world violate
\nhuman rights. For instance, in the way soldiers arrest people
\nwithout notice or arrest warrants. What needs to be agreed on in
\na national tribunal is the identification of rights abuses which
\ncan be tolerated by social norms, and the rest should be left to
\nthe court ... What has to be tried in court are the cruel actions
\nof the military, such as the slow killings involving torture like
\nthe peeling of the scalp.<\/p>\n
Regarding the inquiry on human rights, the government must
\nalso prevent soldiers from being in an absurd position -- meaning
\nthey would be dismissed for resisting their superior's commands
\nwhile they could face punishment for abusing human rights as they
\nhad followed orders. In fact no soldier acts without their
\nsuperior's command, so the ones to be tried should be those who
\ngave the orders, up to the highest level.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you view Abdurrahman's stance toward the rights abuses?<\/p>\n
A: I think Gus Dur displays a double standard. His siding with
\nthe people's interest and their demands is being severely tested
\nwith his consistency to bring the generals to court. I think a
\nsafe way out for Gus Dur is to request Marzuki Darusman, both in
\nhis capacity as Attorney General and chairman of the National
\nCommission for Human Rights, to list all rights abuses which
\ncannot be tolerated, because, as I have said, there are no
\nmilitary operations which do not abuse rights. After that we
\nwould be able to set a time frame, in this case after the Aug. 30
\nballot in East Timor, and the actions which cannot be tolerated.
\nThen the perpetrators would be sought out and the person involved
\nbrought to court.<\/p>\n
So we wouldn't be involving too many military officers and
\nwould avoid rocking the boat in relation to TNI. What is
\nhappening now could produce a domino effect, all involved
\nofficers could go on trial; all members would be in one boat and
\nthis could motivate a conspiracy among soldiers, which could
\nbring negative ramifications upon Gus Dur's government.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, Gus Dur and the National Commission on Human Rights
\nhave said they would uphold the law indiscriminately ... So the
\nbest way for Gus Dur to act would be to instruct Marzuki Darusman
\nand the commission to determine the criteria for intolerable
\nabuses. So, take the perpetrators to court, but they would have
\nto be the ones directly involved and those who gave direct
\norders.<\/p>\n
In the current situation, I agree that the military could lose
\nits patience if it is constantly pushed into a corner. We could
\nsee... a real entrance of the military into politics.<\/p>\n
Q: Many believe the President has a strong commitment to
\npromoting a civil society...<\/p>\n
A: That's right. Despite his confusing maneuvers, I think Gus Dur
\nconsistently bases all his steps on the premise that it is now
\ntime for people to be given a larger space to determine their own
\nfate. I'm not defending Gus Dur, but this is what I understand,
\nthat he has always been consistent in promoting a civil society.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur must also be aware that civil society has two
\nconflicting characteristics ... it is both independent and
\nsectarian. Look at how terrorism among people is spreading. To
\nuphold the law, law enforcement, as one of the determinants of
\nthe success of reform, needs a neutral state institution -- the
\npolice and the military.<\/p>\n
So Gus Dur clearly still needs TNI for now, for the police are
\nstill far from adequate. He has to be extra cautious while he
\nfaces the threat of public impatience with economic recovery. All
\nthese are, in fact, connected; political consolidation must be
\ncompleted to pave the way for smooth economic recovery.<\/p>\n
Q: How long would you say is needed for Abdurrahman to complete
\nthis delicate process, mainly political consolidation regarding
\nTNI?<\/p>\n
A: It's difficult to say. But given his five-year term, the
\nprocess should be resolved by mid-2000, after which he must
\nconcentrate on economic recovery. Failure to take concrete action
\non the economy would risk the life of his Cabinet. But I would
\nalso like to remind people that however difficult the problems
\nnow being faced are, there is the inheritance of the former
\nregime. While we are learning about democracy, we should
\nappreciate the person now in charge and let him complete his
\ntasks to the end of his term. (Asip Agus Hasani)<\/p>",
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