Greater self-confidence and the need for
\ncogent foreign policy approach: Outlook for 2006<\/p>\n
Bantarto Bandoro
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
A free and active (proactive) foreign policy has characterized
\nIndonesia since its independence. This basic policy has shown a
\nremarkable degree of resilience and adaptability. It will remain
\nso in the future.<\/p>\n
When Susilo came into power one year ago, he not only
\nreiterated the importance of that basic policy for our foreign
\nrelations, but also inherited internal as well as external
\nconditions in which our foreign policy needs to be adjusted.<\/p>\n
The foreign policy challenges that Indonesia, under Susilo,
\nface are quite immense, particularly as we try to improve our
\nimage abroad and experience enormous transformations in the
\nglobal system .<\/p>\n
Susilo, who appeared to take a direct role in foreign policy
\nexecution, seems to have been able to grasp the essence of our
\nforeign relations, particularly when the country was facing
\nexternal and internal pressures to move faster in its
\ndemocratization process, economic recovery and fight against
\nterrorism.<\/p>\n
We are confronted with three options: to be part of, follow or
\nlead the change. We surely cannot only be a follower, nor stand
\nidly by, in the changed world. The country should be able to lead
\non certain issues in international relations.<\/p>\n
Because we want to be part of the changes, in a way that
\nbenefits the country, and lead on certain issues, at least
\nregionally, Susilo convinced the public of the importance of
\ninternational links for the solution of our domestic problems and
\nthe promotion of the country's national interests.<\/p>\n
It was an Indonesian idea that participation in the East Asian
\nSummit should be enlarged to include India, Australia and New
\nZealand. A series of strategic regional policies has also been
\ntabled by Indonesia, some of which have been realized through
\nconcrete action plans, such as the ASEAN Security Community.<\/p>\n
The success of our democratic process has, at least for now,
\nbeen quite instrumental in moving toward a more satisfactory
\nforeign policy agenda, namely greater confidence in being a
\nprominent, if not key player, at a regional and global level.
\nThis confidence will shape the content and direction of our
\nforeign policy.<\/p>\n
On a bilateral level, we saw the government give first, if not
\nhighest priority, to developing friendly and mutually beneficial
\nrelations with all our neighbors.<\/p>\n
At the same time, Indonesia is also stepping up significantly
\nits engagement with major powers. Indonesia's relationship with
\nthe U.S., for example, is changing in response to the dynamics
\noperating in the two countries, as well as regionally and
\nglobally, particularly the fight against global terrorism.<\/p>\n
In just one year, our relationship with the U.S. has developed
\nsignificantly at many levels.<\/p>\n
The lifting of the arms embargo by the U.S. government was
\nseen as a clear path toward the normalization of bilateral
\nrelations between the two countries, particularly in the realm of
\nthe military.<\/p>\n
One should and will not see our relation with the U.S. in the
\ncontext of any other country or regional equation or even
\nalliance system, nor is the relationship going to be at the
\nexpense of any other relationship valued by this country. Meaning
\nthat the maintenance of Indonesia's relations with Japan, China,
\nRussia and other major countries in Europe is as important as our
\nrelations with the U.S.<\/p>\n
So, how then should we frame a progressive foreign policy for
\n2006 and where should we start? Given the perceived gains --
\npolitically as well as economically and strategically -- the
\ncountry received from the changed environment, it is not wrong
\nto assume that the profile mentioned above has, to a certain
\ndegree, contributed to the success of our foreign policy. Such
\nsuccess may have began with our top leaders' comprehensive
\nunderstanding of the particular challenges of the day.<\/p>\n
The year 2006, and perhaps beyond, will see even more severe
\nchallenges faced by our foreign policy as our immediate region in
\nparticular moves into an integrated region, exemplified by the
\nEast Asian Community and ASEAN Community.<\/p>\n
Free trade areas formed by ASEAN-China, ASEAN-Japan and ASEAN-
\nIndia will soon be in place. Moreover, terrorism is a real
\nthreat and a present danger that we must confront and defeat.
\nThus, our foreign policy will succeed or fail according to how
\nwell the country copes with this era's diverse security and
\neconomic challenges.<\/p>\n
Given the major policy initiatives Indonesia has taken
\nrecently toward its immediate region, Asia, it is not wrong to
\nsuggest that the sub-region, Southeast and Northeast Asia in
\nparticular, has been and will continue to be the central focus
\nof, and arena for, our international diplomacy. The consequences
\nfor Indonesia in the years ahead are to design some sort of Asian
\nstrategy, one that offers programs and strategic direction as to
\nhow our foreign policy should deal with every day as well as
\nunexpected political events that might occur in the region of
\nAsia.<\/p>\n
Next year we will also see more intensive diplomatic
\ninteraction and transactions among the countries in the Asian
\nregion due to their commitment to creating a kind of regional
\npool for peace and prosperity. As an influential member of ASEAN,
\nIndonesia is committed to playing a part in such a process. But
\nIndonesian foreign policy should not be \"too regionalistic\" in a
\nway that ignores other major regional security-related issues
\nthat affect our foreign policy, such as the environment,
\nterrorism, drug trafficking and people smuggling, to mention a
\nfew.<\/p>\n
Thus, what we need perhaps is a considered and reasoned
\napproach -- an approach that might evolve into a kind of a
\ndoctrine -- to help our diplomats navigate the country's foreign
\npolicy in a much more challenging and globalized world. The
\nquestion is what do we need a doctrine for?<\/p>\n
A doctrine not only gives overall direction to our foreign
\npolicy, but it also helps establish basic foreign policy
\npriorities, particularly when we are in need of long-term
\ncertainty and stability in our economic development and in
\nmaintaining our international role. Susilo is quite visionary in
\nthis matter, suggesting that the country should play an active
\nand catalytic role if Indonesia is to maintain its independence
\nand diplomatic gains.<\/p>\n
A doctrine, if it is ever to be of any value, could help shape
\nand direct the allocation of resources. It would also signal to
\nour neighboring countries, to our legislative members and public
\nat home, where our policies are heading, what they will entail,
\nand what can be expected in the future regarding Indonesia's
\ninternational role. A doctrine thus offers strategic clarity.<\/p>\n
With its new profile and intention to be in the lead of
\ncertain international issues, it is especially important for
\nIndonesia to have a cogent foreign policy approach. Indonesia
\nalso needs constant adjustment to reflect the realities of today
\nand tomorrow's challenges.<\/p>\n
A clear-sighted view of the country's national interests is
\ntherefore needed if Indonesia is to successfully navigate new
\nregional security and economic issues, while also addressing its
\nrelations with other parts of the globe. The regional and global
\ncomplexities of the 21st century demand strategic, over-the-
\nhorizon Indonesian thinking. This will, of course, require
\ncreative and bold diplomacy.<\/p>\n
The writer is the director of scientific infrastructure and
\npublications, and the chief editor of The Indonesian Quarterly,
\nat the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta.
\nHe is also a lecturer in the International Relations Graduate
\nProgram at the School of Social and Political Sciences, the
\nUniversity of Indonesia. He can be reached at bandoro@csis.or.id.<\/p>",
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