Governing through governance: SBY delivering his promises.<\/p>\n
HS Dillon
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
The business sector has repeatedly reminded the President that
\ncorruption in the government is inhibiting investment, while
\ncivil society has been pressuring him to go after the wrongdoers
\nwholeheartedly.<\/p>\n
In times such as these, we find him calling for a culture of
\nexcellence. How can one reconcile these calls? Lest one be
\naccused of drawing too hasty a conclusion, let us try to look at
\nthe facts. How far have we really progressed?<\/p>\n
On the bright side, the President has bitten the bullet and
\nraised fuel prices, drastically at that. Though one might quibble
\nover its timing and the utility of cash transfers as
\ncompensation, that was a feat of leadership. No way could fuel
\nsubsidies be justified: one does not stimulate consumption of a
\nnon-renewable resource, one encourages the quest for alternative
\nenergies instead.<\/p>\n
Taxation is not merely a means of revenue generation, but it
\nalso serves as an instrument to help nudge investment into the
\nright activities. The minor reshuffle holds promise, in that a
\nnumber of good people have been inducted into the Cabinet.
\nHowever, most of the voters are still unhappy. Why?<\/p>\n
Because the voters bought his campaign platform for
\nfundamental change. They had grown weary of the purported
\nreformasi, which further enriched the politicians, officials, and
\nconglomerates, and in disgust turned away from the established
\npolitical bosses. They wanted change, and enough of it so as to
\nenable them to climb out of poverty. They had seen in Susilo
\nBambang Yudhoyono (SBY) the incarnation of the \"Ratu Adil\" a
\ndeity with powers to remedy societal ills.<\/p>\n
Historians will long ponder what forced the President to
\ncapitulate to the disgraced political bosses. These were the very
\npeople who tried to stop him from getting into \"Merdeka Palace\";
\nyet, shamelessly demanded ministerial slots. This was an
\nenactment of one of Gandhi's seven deadly sins: \"politics without
\nmorals\".<\/p>\n
The personalities they fielded made a mockery of the screening
\nprocess supposedly conducted at Cikeas. Thus, the Cabinet lineup
\nwas the first major disappointment for the voters. They thought
\nthat they had rid themselves of these bosses, yet SBY brought
\nthem back in, with added legitimacy. How low can the politicians
\ngo?<\/p>\n
Again, to his credit, he has initiated a number of reform
\nmeasures. He issued a decree on the acceleration of the
\neradication of corruption and established an investigating and
\nprosecuting task force directly responsible to him. He has also
\nendorsed a National Action Plan to Fight Corruption over his
\nterm.<\/p>\n
This outlines the first comprehensive strategy of a post-
\nSoeharto government in fighting corruption, prescribing both
\npreventive as well as repressive measures. All sounds well and
\ngood, why should one complain, then? Alas, in real life it
\nappears that these initiatives are not being put into action; at
\nbest they are being translated into further instructions.<\/p>\n
In the worst case, they are just being forwarded to sub-units
\nwithout any strategy or breakdowns into concrete actions. The
\ntask force, too, seems to be losing steam. The two largest cases,
\nthe suspects in the TAC and Bank Mandiri, are rich and
\nbusinessmen-cum-politicians, and, as such, appear to be above the
\nlaw. The Anticorruption Commission (KPK) holds a lot of promise,
\nbut, inexplicably, it too does not seem to be able to get the
\n\"prime offenders\".<\/p>\n
The same forces that dissolved the Joint Anticorruption Team,
\nappear to be thwarting the KPK. Just like in the Human Rights
\ncases, only civilians are being convicted. This helps convince us
\nthat justice really moves at two speeds: the rich and powerful
\nget away scot-free.<\/p>\n
Impunity, impunity, thou hath caused the ruination of this
\ncountry! The President seems to be surrounded on all sides by
\nthose who aided, abetted, and in turn benefited from,
\nGen.Soeharto. Indonesia has once again degenerated into a
\nbeambtenstaat, a country being governed for the sake of the
\ngovernors. Under such dire circumstances, how can he deliver on
\nhis promises? He should govern through governance.<\/p>\n
What actually is good governance? One definition drawn up by
\nSeppo Tiihonen, a Finnish scholar, is particularly apt: it is a
\nprocess, where rules and well-functioning institutions are
\napplied to manage a nation's affairs in a manner that safeguards
\ndemocracy, human rights, good order and human security, and
\neconomy and efficiency follow in the management of a country's
\nresources.<\/p>\n
When governing refers to the constituted policies of state
\nactors backed by the formal authority to use monopolized coercive
\npowers, governance is more suggestive of activities backed by
\nshared goals that may or may not derive from legal and formal
\nauthority.<\/p>\n
Can we expect the President to succeed? Yes, of course, but
\none has to recognize that good governance does not just suddenly
\nhappen. It needs time and tireless effort, and requires that
\ncivil society and the good corporate citizens also pitch in. He
\nwould have to embark upon this long and winding road by pushing
\nfor a radical, paradigmatic change in the whole concept of
\ngoverning: he would need to move his Cabinet from understanding
\ngoverning as \"sharing of power\" to \"assisting the President in
\ndelivering the promises made to voters\".<\/p>\n
Such a shift in paradigm would invariably bring about a \"sense
\nof belonging\", enabling the ministers to function as a team --
\nunlike our dismal performance in Manila. The ministers would
\nrealize that they are not only accountable for their respective
\nministries, but also share accountability as a team for the
\noverall performance of the Cabinet.<\/p>\n
In this context, conflict of interest issues would be publicly
\naddressed and inserted into all standard operating procedures,
\nsuch as relevant government-sponsored tender procedures, thereby
\nenhancing transparency and accountability in the Cabinet's
\ndelivery.<\/p>\n
Another strategic issue that SBY will have to resolve is the
\nsequencing of actions in the implementation of good governance
\npractices.<\/p>\n
Primarily, it should begin by convincing the administration
\nand population alike, that something can actually be done to
\nreform the administration. This would best be achieved by setting
\nexamples -- understanding that this does not require a big
\nbureaucratic effort, but proper political leverage.<\/p>\n
Second, it should expand from those examples by implementing
\nsystematic reform for which a number of blueprints have already
\nbeen prepared.<\/p>\n
Finally, it should use the newly established mechanisms to
\nprosecute high-profile corruption cases, based on clear,
\ntransparent criteria.<\/p>\n
Leadership by example, where all the President's men (and
\nwomen) would emulate him in acting and behaving in an exemplary
\nmanner. Not a single person enmeshed in even a \"breath of
\nscandal\" would be seen around him. They would be, in
\nShakespeare's words \"like Caesar's wife\", beyond reproach.
\nLooking at them, the people would be assured that they were in
\ngood hands.<\/p>\n
Only by cleaning up the executive's act, by governing through
\ngovernance, will the President be able to secure greater
\ninvestment, and garner support from civil society. Then, and only
\nthen, will it be written in the annals of our history that SBY
\ndelivered.<\/p>\n
The writer is executive director of the Partnership for
\nGovernance Reform in Indonesia.<\/p>",
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