Golkar's contradictions<\/p>\n
When the wind of reform swept through Indonesia last year,
\nGolkar survived against all odds to garner the second-most number
\nof votes in the June general election behind the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan). Most people
\nassumed Golkar, the political machine which helped keep Soeharto
\nin power for over three decades, had lost its relevance and would
\ncrumble as soon as the tyrant was deposed in May last year.<\/p>\n
They could not be more wrong. Under chairman Akbar Tandjung
\nand with its strong financial base, Golkar has controlled the
\nnational political agenda for the past year and convinced 24
\npercent of the electorate in June of its reformist stance.<\/p>\n
No force has yet been capable of destroying the mighty Golkar.
\nThe students who brought Soeharto down tried and failed. New
\npolitical parties made little headway despite their aggressive
\ncampaign to discredit Golkar as a \"status quo\" party during the
\nelections.<\/p>\n
Golkar may have succeeded in staving off external forces, but
\ninternal pressures are slowly emerging which could prove to be
\nits undoing. An internal challenge to Akbar's leadership is the
\nlitmus test for the party. The bickering between the pro-Habibie
\ncamp and Akbar's camp this past week was probably only the tip of
\nthe iceberg. Events in the coming days or weeks will determine
\nwhether the party can survive the storm.<\/p>\n
Today's Golkar has lost some of the internal strengths that
\npreviously kept it together. President B.J. Habibie, as much as
\nhe would like to, does not control the party the way Soeharto did
\nin his capacity as the all-powerful chairman of Golkar's board of
\npatrons. The party no longer enjoys the support and patronage of
\nthe military, itself under pressure to surrender its
\nsociopolitical role.<\/p>\n
Power in Golkar today is shared between the chairman, Akbar,
\nand leaders of the regional chapters and interest groups. The new
\nGolkar is certainly much more democratic than it was during
\nSoeharto's reign. This presumably is one of the chief reasons why
\nmany respected politicians, including reformist figures like
\nMarzuki Darusman, stayed with Golkar in spite of the legacy of
\nthe Soeharto years. Whether Golkar, more known for its
\nantidemocratic traditions, can survive in a democratic Indonesia
\nis something that only time will tell.<\/p>\n
Sooner or later, however, well-meaning politicians like
\nMarzuki will come into conflict with the party's old guard, who
\nhave no interest in promoting change, including democracy.<\/p>\n
Over the past year, Marzuki has departed from the official
\nparty line on more than one occasion, including Golkar's
\nnomination of Habibie for the November presidential election. But
\nin his crusade to unveil the Bank Bali scandal, he has for the
\nfirst time enjoyed the open support of many of his colleagues,
\nincluding Akbar.<\/p>\n
Marzuki sees the scandal as an opportunity to restore Golkar's
\ncredibility, even if it means sacrificing Habibie's presidential
\nnomination. He antagonized the pro-Habibie camp, which in turn
\ninitiated a motion to have him removed from Golkar's central
\nexecutive board. They have even threatened to unseat Akbar
\nhimself if he does not comply with their demand.<\/p>\n
It is difficult to tell where this will lead, and while it is
\nan interesting development to follow, not many people in this
\ncountry truly care whether Golkar survives or crumbles as a
\nresult of the conflict. Few people would shed tears over the
\ndemise of a party with a 30-year history of complicity in
\ndepriving people of their sovereignty. Whatever emerges from this
\napparent process of self-destruction within Golkar, it further
\nstrengthens the belief that reformist forces can never lie in the
\nsame bed with status quo forces.<\/p>",
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