Freedom for E. Timor: Wrong offer at wrong time<\/p>\n
Indonesia's sudden shift of stance on East Timor has created a
\npolitical earthquake. Political analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono
\nfears that it is an attempt to divert the people's attention from
\nthe government's failure to address the current crisis.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The recent option offered by the Habibie
\ngovernment to the East Timorese for independence from the unitary
\nIndonesian republic is in the first place a mistaken offer. It is
\na unilateral act, even if it is better than the policy of the
\nprevious government, for it ignores the wishes of the East
\nTimorese themselves, which should be the first and uppermost
\nconsideration.<\/p>\n
To leave the matter to the new MPR (People's Consultative
\nAssembly) resulting from the next general election to decide
\nrather than to the people of East Timor themselves only adheres
\nto the Indonesian constitutional process. It does not change the
\nunilateral nature of the offer.<\/p>\n
Indeed, the East Timorese have differed among themselves from
\nthe outset on the future of their land. This is precisely why the
\nfairest and most democratic way to solve these differences would
\nbe a referendum.<\/p>\n
The fact that even now conflicts have erupted in East Timor
\nshould not stand in the way of a referendum, although it may
\nrequire a longer and more costly process of preparation. Such
\nconflicts among the East Timorese have been made worse since the
\nterritory's integration into the Indonesian republic, and further
\naggravated by the current crisis experienced by Indonesia, of
\nwhich East Timor has formed a part for more than two decades. The
\nproblem for the East Timorese, as well as for the Indonesians as
\na whole, is how in a democracy to learn to lose with grace rather
\nthan resorting to violence, or to win with magnanimity.<\/p>\n
Besides, the reaction of the international community
\nrepresented by the UN to East Timor's integration into Indonesia
\nhas from the start emphasized the need for an exercise in the
\nEast Timorese right to self-determination. A clear formulation of
\nthe options offered to the people through the referendum is a key
\nto its success. In terms of UN resolutions relating to the
\nexercise of the right to self-determination, a non self-governing
\nterritory may choose one of three alternatives, namely, (1)
\nintegration with the administering country; (2) integration with
\nanother sovereign state; or (3) establishment of a sovereign and
\nindependent state of its own.<\/p>\n
As far as East Timor is concerned, who will be entitled to
\ntake part in the referendum needs to be clearly defined as well.
\nIn an television interview Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali
\nAlatas, referring to the difficult, costly, and long process of a
\nreferendum, and hence the Indonesian government's aversion to it,
\nsaid in effect that any East Timorese now living outside the
\nprovince should return first, and those Indonesians now living in
\nthe province since its integration with Indonesia ought to be
\nbrought back from there. The implication, however, is not clear.
\nDoes he understand the expression 'East Timorese' purely in
\nethnic terms or in some other terms as well?<\/p>\n
Indeed, a referendum would be a costly and complex affair for
\nEast Timor. Therefore, there needs to be close cooperation
\nbetween Indonesia, Portugal, and the UN representing the
\ninternational community right through from start to finish.<\/p>\n
However, should the probability of violence be too high a risk
\nbefore, during or after a referendum in view of the existing
\nconflicts, some form of a dialog between the leaders of the
\nconflicting groups in East Timor may be considered, as suggested
\nby Bishop Belo, in lieu of a referendum. Whichever means is
\nemployed, however, cooperation between the three parties
\nmentioned earlier remains vital.<\/p>\n
The option of independence for East Timor is, in the second
\nplace, being offered at the wrong time. The intention, therefore,
\nis suspect. The Habibie government is lacking in legitimacy. This
\nexplains the crisis of confidence and credibility, and thus of
\nleadership in this country.<\/p>\n
Therefore, in addition to carrying on with efforts to deal
\nwith the economic crisis, it needs to focus its attention on the
\nexercise of a free and fair election next June with a view to the
\nformation of a new government. The preparation of a referendum
\nfor East Timor will be a long process. It does not have to be
\ninitiated by the present government.<\/p>\n
One may rightly wonder if the government is trying to divert
\nattention from the current multi-dimensional crisis it is failing
\nto overcome. East Timor is still a province of Indonesia, and
\ntherefore it has been suffering from the crisis just as much as
\nthe rest of the country. Efforts to deal with the crisis in the
\ncountry must also include East Timor. The government should not
\nwash its hands of the problem. Bishop Belo has remarked that if
\nIndonesia should leave East Timor in a state of civil war, the
\nIndonesians would be worse than the Portuguese.<\/p>\n
The offer may also imply an admission of guilt for past
\nmistakes, or a failure in managing the process of the territory's
\nintegration with Indonesia, or both. The establishment of a
\ncivilian militia -- while the military leadership denies arming
\nthe civilians -- is not likely to solve existing conflicts, while
\nin fact it may have the opposite effect.<\/p>\n
In that context, could it be that behind the offer of
\nindependence lurks some hope that failing to agree among
\nthemselves to establish a sovereign and independent state, the
\nEast Timorese would ultimately return to the fold of Indonesia,
\nthereby losing forever their bargaining power vis-a-vis the
\ncentral government in any future demand for independence or even
\nspecial status within Indonesia? There may exist some groups of
\npeople with their own vested interests, who would not like to see
\nEast Timor separated from Indonesia. Indeed, many have lost their
\nlives on both sides, including members of the Armed Forces
\n(ABRI), who entered East Timor initially as \"volunteers\".<\/p>\n
Whatever the case, the developments in East Timor since its
\nintegration with Indonesia are consequent upon the fact that the
\nprocess has been violent and bloody from the start. Indonesia
\nmust be willing to pay the price of putting the record straight.<\/p>",
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