{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1430807,
        "msgid": "focusing-on-critical-politics-of-environment-1447893297",
        "date": "1999-01-03 00:00:00",
        "title": "Focusing on critical politics of environment",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "Focusing on critical politics of environment The Politics of Environment in Southeast Asia; Philip Hirsch and Carol Warren, editors; Routeledge; xiii + 325pp JAKARTA (JP): When a few weeks ago Minister of Forestry and Plantations Muslimin Nasution declared that his ministry had uncovered Soeharto family and crony-connected forest holdings covering nine million hectares, \"an area the size of Java\", nobody was especially surprised. Shocked, yes. Angry, yes. But not surprised.",
        "content": "<p>Focusing on critical politics of environment<\/p>\n<p>The Politics of Environment in Southeast Asia; <br>\nPhilip Hirsch and Carol Warren, editors; <br>\nRouteledge; <br>\nxiii + 325pp<\/p>\n<p>JAKARTA (JP): When a few weeks ago Minister of Forestry and<br>\nPlantations Muslimin Nasution declared that his ministry had<br>\nuncovered Soeharto family and crony-connected forest holdings<br>\ncovering nine million hectares, &quot;an area the size of Java&quot;,<br>\nnobody was especially surprised. Shocked, yes. Angry, yes. But<br>\nnot surprised. This question, after all, goes right to the heart<br>\nof the New Order power structure.<\/p>\n<p>In September 1984, the International Union for the<br>\nConservation of Nature issued a report stating that the 1982 and<br>\n1983 forest fires in Kalimantan, that had blanketed Southeast<br>\nAsia with smog, constituted the &quot;biggest environmental<br>\ncatastrophe of the 20th century&quot;. The East Kalimantan governor<br>\nresponded with maximum insouciance; it was &quot;no big deal&quot;, he<br>\nsaid. We all know what would have happened if he had said<br>\notherwise.<\/p>\n<p>That was 1984. Fourteen years on and the BBC was reporting<br>\nthat Kalimantan fires were burning across &quot;an area the size of<br>\nEngland and Wales&quot;. Further disaster was being visited on Sumatra<br>\nand Sulawesi.<\/p>\n<p>There is an indisputable connection between this<br>\n&quot;environmental catastrophe&quot; and the politics of the New Order.<br>\nWhy were no major prosecutions carried out of forest<br>\nconcessionaires in the affected areas? One has to say that it was<br>\nsimply because the constellation of forces around the former<br>\npresident had too much at stake.<\/p>\n<p>Take East Kalimantan, where Soeharto&apos;s second son, Bambang<br>\nTrihatmodjo, alone has holdings of over 700,000 hectares; then<br>\nlook at Muhammad &quot;Bob&quot; Hasan with 1.63 million hectares in Aceh,<br>\nEast Kalimantan and Southeast Sulawesi. It would be extremely<br>\nnaive to believe that these are the kind of people with a finely<br>\ntuned environmental consciousness. Hasan&apos;s own plywood company,<br>\nwe are told, increased &quot;production seven-fold over the decade<br>\n1981 to 1991&quot;, a measure of his rapacity if ever there was one.<\/p>\n<p>What this excellent collection of essays in Politics of<br>\nEnvironment in SE Asia; Resources and Resistance sets out to<br>\nexamine is the emergence of a new politics of the environment and<br>\nthe relationship between power holders across the Southeast Asian<br>\nregion and the dynamic environmental action groups that have<br>\nappeared almost everywhere.<\/p>\n<p>The great changes wrought by the so-called &quot;Asian miracle&quot;<br>\nhave impacted massively on the environment, as the lugubrious<br>\nstatistics quoted above prove, but have also given rise to<br>\nresistance. It is no coincidence that Indonesia&apos;s vibrant student<br>\nmovement began in part with on-campus conflict between<br>\nenvironmental NGOs and pro-New Order student cadet corps. Neither<br>\nis it a coincidence that groups such as Malaysia&apos;s Sahabat Alam<br>\nhave felt the thick end of state repression.<\/p>\n<p>Environmentalism, written off in neighboring Malaysia as some<br>\nkind of Western conspiracy against the country, is a politics of<br>\nurgency, and is now motivating small but significant groups in<br>\nall the ASEAN countries with the exceptions of Brunei and<br>\nassociate member, Myanmar. The latter, of course, is perhaps even<br>\nmore in need of environmental intervention than any other as its<br>\nonce legendary teak forests disappear to finance the kleptocratic<br>\nState Peace and Development Council (formerly SLORC).<\/p>\n<p>Injustice in the course of development certainly shaped a<br>\npopular anger, as George Junus Aditjondro illuminates in Large<br>\nDam Victims and Their Defenders, in which he looks at the<br>\nKedungombo case. Here, an environmental question impacted on a<br>\nlocal community with no experience of organizing. Javanese wong<br>\ncilik (common people) were not expected to speak up but the<br>\ninvolvement of sympathetic educated activists gave them voice.<\/p>\n<p>Aditjondro details several other Indonesian dam schemes and<br>\nthe variety of responses to them; the notable case of the<br>\nKotopanjang dam in Riau demonstrates how determined local<br>\nresistance, in this instance over more than 17 years, could be<br>\neffected despite the New Order&apos;s heavy-handedness.<\/p>\n<p>Dams are notoriously associated with grandiose power projects<br>\nof authoritarian governments in developing countries; from<br>\nNasser&apos;s Aswan Dam to Beijing&apos;s Three Gorges scheme, many have<br>\nproved disastrous.<\/p>\n<p>Michael Mitchell looks at one river &quot;development&quot; project with<br>\nthe potential to be even more ruinous, the Mekong Basin scheme.<br>\n&quot;Centered on national and international bureaucracies well<br>\nremoved from the social bases and needs of the people living in<br>\nthe basin&quot;, as Mitchell puts it, this scheme would involve six<br>\ncountries -- Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Vietnam and China<br>\n-- all with a wretched recent record of environmental protection.<\/p>\n<p>Laos and Cambodia are so strategically weak that their opening<br>\nup to the full force of global capital -- which is what this<br>\nscheme would entail -- would probably mean the end for them.<\/p>\n<p>If one can easily point a finger at the New Order power<br>\nholders, what of the leaders of other countries? Perhaps the most<br>\ndismal forestry record of all belongs not to this country nor to<br>\nneighboring Malaysia or the Philippines but to Myanmar. The self-<br>\nstyled State Peace and Development Council has ruled over a<br>\nfeverish deforestation in its once timber-rich country and its<br>\nmembers have enriched themselves greatly in the process.<\/p>\n<p>Raymond Bryant examines this in The Politics of Forestry in<br>\nBurma and demonstrates how well-capitalized Thai logging firms<br>\nhave been among the major beneficiaries. The Burma regime&apos;s<br>\nprofligacy is illustrated by its practice of making sales of<br>\ntimber up to two years in advance &quot;in order to raise quick<br>\nrevenue&quot;.<\/p>\n<p>This brings us to what seems to be an inescapable truth: that<br>\nthe power elites in the region collaborate with one another in<br>\nresource extraction, and the most environmentally unfriendly<br>\nentrepreneurs are often to be found working hand-in-glove with<br>\nthe most politically repressive regimes.<\/p>\n<p>Why, for instance, during last year&apos;s forest fires here were<br>\nMalaysian scientists ordered by their government not to issue<br>\nstatements on the Indonesia-derived smog hazard that was ruining<br>\nthe health of millions of Malaysians? Because, one fancies, its<br>\nown record is dismal, as Michael Leigh demonstrates in Logging in<br>\nSarawak, an essay which begins with the statement that a forest<br>\nis a political as well as an economic resource. A political<br>\npatronage system has grown up in Sarawak around the granting of<br>\nlogging licenses.<\/p>\n<p>Leigh says that &quot;what is unambiguous to those concerned with<br>\nthe actual exploitation is that there is a clear financial<br>\nimperative to market the greatest volume of saw logs as quickly<br>\nas possible&quot;.<\/p>\n<p>The unregulated free market then is the enemy of the forest.<br>\nAs it is, too, of Dayak children&apos;s health in heavily logged areas<br>\nwhere the lack of wild boar has caused a major fall in protein<br>\nintake.<\/p>\n<p>There are areas of environmental concern that this volume does<br>\nnot touch upon, the trade in wildlife being one. Recent seizures<br>\nof thousands of cobras worth hundreds of millions of rupiah at<br>\nthe Soekarno-Hatta International Airport prove that lucrative<br>\nbusiness is a serious issue still, as, indeed, any walk along the<br>\nBarito or Jatinegara bird markets in Jakarta would also show.<\/p>\n<p>However, the writers have done a fine job of examining a<br>\nnumber of the major issues affecting the politics of the<br>\nenvironment in this great region, including the slippery question<br>\nof the cultural impact of tourism.<\/p>\n<p>The book will come as an extremely helpful addition to<br>\nliterature on the Southeast Asian environment. Malaysian<br>\nbiologist David Lee sounded the tocsin in the early 1980s with<br>\nThe Sinking Ark, a well-informed but essentially pessimistic tome<br>\nabout the deterioration of the regional biosphere. The<br>\nintervening years have given greater cause for concern, and<br>\nHirsch and Warren have brought together a mass of penetrating<br>\nanalysis and detail to illuminate the necessary ongoing debates.<\/p>\n<p>-- David Jardine<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/focusing-on-critical-politics-of-environment-1447893297",
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    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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