First free and fair election fails to materialize<\/p>\n
By Vanessa Johanson<\/p>\n
BANDA ACEH, Aceh (JP): The 700 or so international observers
\nwho attended polling day in various parts of Indonesia have been
\nquick to congratulate Indonesia on the conduct of largely
\npeaceful, free and fair elections. Indeed, the remarkably orderly
\nresult surprised most observers, following on months of tension,
\nviolent clashes and disruption of the lives of tens of thousands
\nof people in Ambon, West Kalimantan, East Timor, Aceh and other
\nareas.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, however, for Indonesia's westernmost province
\n-- Aceh -- not only have the elections not been executed freely
\nand fairly, but also for half of the population -- the residents
\nof Pidie, North Aceh and East Aceh regions -- they have virtually
\nnot been conducted at all.<\/p>\n
Can Indonesia claim to have successfully taken this vital step
\ntowards democratization -- open elections -- whilst disregarding
\none province?<\/p>\n
Should the international community so hastily welcome
\nIndonesia into the community of democratic nations without taking
\na serious look at the climate of terror which reigns in Aceh?
\nWhile we need to maintain a certain threshold of tolerance for
\nisolated cases of election-day infractions in this vast nation,
\nthe situation in Aceh exceeds this threshold.<\/p>\n
The human rights situation in Aceh improved in August 1998
\nwhen the military operation (DOM) was \"unconditionally withdrawn\"
\nby Minister of Defense and Security\/Armed Forces Commander Gen.
\nWiranto. Human rights organizations, including the National
\nCommission for Human Rights (Komnas Ham), began to report on the
\ngross human rights abuses of the decade-long DOM period. National
\nand international media began to flood into the province and
\napologies were made for abuses carried out by the military.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, the people of Aceh were increasingly
\ndisillusioned as promises to fairly try and punish those most
\nguilty of human rights abuses, to compensate the victims, to give
\ngreater economic autonomy to Aceh and -- most important of all --
\ndemilitarize Aceh and prevent new killings of civilians --
\nlargely failed to materialize.<\/p>\n
The first six months of this year have seen bloody shootings
\nof civilians, including random shooting into crowds and groups of
\npeople in Lhoksemauwe, North Aceh, (an estimated 25 civilians
\nkilled); Idi Cut, East Aceh, (7 civilians killed); Dewantara,
\nNorth Aceh, (43 civilians killed); Peudada, North Aceh, (2
\ncivilians killed) and Peureulak, East Aceh, (5 civilians killed).
\nAdditionally, the Aceh NGO Human Rights Coalition documents 49
\n\"mysterious shootings\" of individuals by \"unknown men\" since
\nOctober last year.<\/p>\n
Justification of a continued heavy military presence is found
\nin the existence of the active armed separatist movement -- the
\nFree Aceh Movement or GAM. The presence of GAM is indeed a
\nchallenge for the Indonesian government and military, a challenge
\nwhich needs to be approached intelligently, and not through
\nincreased military presence.<\/p>\n
This week's proposal by Indonesian Military (TNI) chief of
\nstaff Gen. Subagyo Hadisiswoyo to form a military area command
\nfor Aceh will not solve the climate of fear and tension which
\nstill reigns through large areas of Aceh. GAM is at one extreme
\nof a spectrum of views on the future of Aceh, and the whole
\nAcehnese community should not be forced to suffer for these
\nviews.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, popular support for GAM, or the idea of GAM
\nand what GAM represents, increase the greater the visible
\nmilitary presence in Aceh and the longer the Indonesian
\ngovernment takes to properly address the problems in Aceh.<\/p>\n
Komnas HAM intends to open a branch in Aceh in the next few
\nweeks. This is laudable, but the Indonesian government must do
\nmuch more to resolve the underlying issues, recognizing that the
\noverriding wish of the Acehnese is for justice -- political,
\neconomic and social -- and that the vast majority of the people
\nof Aceh appear to be ready to consider a variety of approaches to
\naddressing these demands.<\/p>\n
This military presence was stepped up in May to provide
\n\"security\" during the elections, and was one of the main reasons
\nwhy huge numbers of people fled their homes or hid during
\nelection week in the regencies of Pidie, North Aceh and East
\nAceh. The memory of the disappearances, rapes and summary
\nexecutions of the past -- associated with the Indonesian military
\n-- haunt many families.<\/p>\n
In this context the tanks in the streets of Lhoksemauwe on
\nJune 7, from which personnel used megaphones to exhort people not
\nto be afraid and to come out and vote, was an absurdity.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian government urgently needs to take several steps
\nto ensure that Indonesia's transition to democracy is not
\npoisoned by the problems in Aceh.<\/p>\n
First, troops should be withdrawn. The withdrawal should be
\naccompanied by genuine and open discussions with Aceh's community
\nleaders on the best alternatives for canvassing the aspirations
\nof the people of Aceh, given the aborted elections there. TNI
\nfears that withdrawal will mean a victory for GAM -- this,
\nhowever, will only be the case if the government does not act
\nswiftly to address the wishes of the Acehnese community. If these
\nare addressed it is highly likely that support for GAM will
\ndecrease and GAM will come to the bargaining table too.<\/p>\n
Second, an international human rights monitoring presence
\nshould be invited into Aceh. This presence is necessary because
\nthe climate of mutual suspicion and accusation makes it difficult
\nfor local or national organizations to carry out objective
\nmonitoring and reporting on issues. Furthermore, local monitors
\nare at physical risk in pursuing their work.<\/p>\n
Third, an independent investigation should be organized into
\nthe recent shooting and provocateur activity. The appointed
\ninvestigators should take seriously widespread allegations and
\nincreasing evidence that these shootings are being carried out by
\nex-military and plain-clothed military in order to eradicate the
\nwitnesses of past military abuses, or to simply take revenge on
\nthose considered to be GAM. The investigators should have the
\npower and mandate to prosecute those responsible for abuses in
\ncivilian courts.<\/p>\n
It is clear that after a year of the reformasi (political
\nreform) movement the people of Aceh are disillusioned and cynical
\nabout the relevance to them of the national reform process, a
\nfactor contributing to a low turnout at the polling places on
\nJune 7.<\/p>\n
Therefore fourth, some form of plebiscite should be organized,
\noffering the people of Aceh several choices for the future. A
\ncommittee including government, military, community leaders and
\nNGOs should establish the terms of this plebiscite.<\/p>\n
If Indonesia does not do its utmost to facilitate the
\ndemocratic right of all Indonesians -- including the Acehnese --
\nto express their aspirations free of fear and intimidation,
\nIndonesia cannot yet be recognized as having truly conducted its
\n\"first free and fair elections in decades\".<\/p>\n
The writer works at the Australian Council for Overseas Aid
\nHuman Rights Office. She was the coordinator of an independent
\nteam of Australian election observers, and spent the election
\nperiod in Banda Aceh, Aceh Besar and Pidie regencies in Aceh. The
\nopinions expressed in this article are her own personal views.<\/p>",
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