Fighting terrorism among Muslims in Indonesia<\/p>\n
Mun'im A. Sirry, Senior Researcher, Paramadina Foundation,
\nJakarta, Project Syndicate<\/p>\n
The flames of Islamic fundamentalism are not confined to the
\nMiddle East and Central Asia. Indonesia is increasingly in the
\nnews because of its large Muslim population, the rise of
\nfundamentalist rhetoric, and purported connections to
\ninternational terrorism. The emergence of violent Muslim
\nvigilante groups employing jihadist rhetoric and mobilizing
\nfollowers for jihad is one of the most conspicuous new phenomena
\nin Indonesian Islam.<\/p>\n
The bomb blasts that rocked Kuta, Bali near midnight last Oct.
\n12 profoundly effected almost every aspect of Indonesian life.
\nAfter years of official denial, that horrifying incident
\ntriggered awareness that terrorism does exist in Indonesia and
\nthat Indonesia's home grown fanatics are connected to a global
\nterrorist network.<\/p>\n
Soon after the Bali bomb conspiracy was uncovered, earlier
\nexplosions that rocked various parts of the country were
\nreexamined. Not all of them were definitively connected, but the
\nrenewed investigations revealed ties between a number of
\ndisparate terrorist groups. The perpetrators of these bomb blasts
\nare now understood to belong to linked, hard-line Islamist
\norganizations.<\/p>\n
Recently, the International Crisis Group (ICG), a Brussels-
\nbased NGO, revealed the links between Islamist radicalism in
\nIndonesia, and international terrorism. The document, Al-Qaeda In
\nSoutheast Asia: The Case Of The "Ngruki Network," is an
\nexhaustive review of reliable public data, and identifies a
\nhandful of individuals with possible direct or indirect links
\nwith al-Qaeda.<\/p>\n
The good news, however, is that the ICG finds no evidence of
\nan extensive al-Qaeda network in Indonesia. The evidence of
\ninternational penetration of Indonesian radical groups is quite
\nlimited.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, Indonesians would be mistaken in thinking that
\nthey have nothing to fear. The ICG report was narrowly conceived
\nand intended to focus on a single issue, namely the evidence for
\nan al-Qaeda presence in Indonesia. Some important questions
\nremain. Is radical Islamism ratcheting up its influence in post-
\nSoeharto Indonesia? Are elements within the military continuing
\nto support radical Islamist militias opportunistically, as they
\nbegan to do in recent years? Are elements of the political elite
\nappealing to radical Islamist sentiment, as a way of leveraging
\ntheir power? Are moderate Islamic intellectuals facing increasing
\ncriticism and challenge?<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, the answer to all these questions is yes.<\/p>\n
The stakes for Indonesia are high. When the United States
\ndeclared war against terrorism, Bush administration officials
\ncharacterized Indonesia as a strategic partner in the struggle
\nagainst terrorism. Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense
\nand former U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia, said that the U.S. must
\nbring new seriousness to helping Indonesia in its quest to secure
\na stable democracy and prosperous economy.<\/p>\n
But Indonesia can do so only if it demonstrates an unrelenting
\ncommitment to anti-terrorist policies. Foreign investment is
\nalready at its nadir, due to the lingering political crisis
\nfollowing the fall of the Soeharto dictatorship, and to doubts
\nabout the soundness of the country's institutional and legal
\ncapacity. Backtracking on official resolve to fight terrorism
\nwould hardly convince international business to start investing
\nin Indonesia again.<\/p>\n
The authorities have natural allies in the large, moderate
\nMuslim organizations, especially the Nahdlatul Ulama and the
\nMuhammadiyah, that lead Indonesian civil society. These groups
\nare fed up with how radicals have smeared Islam in Indonesia, and
\nthey are beginning to work together to challenge the extremists
\nhead on. This is not to say that they agree with the American
\ncritique of Indonesian policy. But these two prominent, national
\nmembership organizations may succeed in dampening Islamic
\nmilitancy where the government, afraid of waging the battle it
\nmust fight, has failed dismally.<\/p>\n
The real conflict ignited by the terrorist attacks is not
\nbetween Islam and an American-led, Judeo-Christian "crusade." The
\ngreater challenge is the ongoing struggle within the worldwide
\nIslamic community, the Ummah, between moderate, progressive
\nMuslims on the one hand and fundamentalist extremists on the
\nother. This battle for the hearts and minds of believers will be
\nfought on two fronts: The first is theological and educational,
\nwhile the second concerns socioeconomic issues and the civil
\nsociety agenda. In both cases the experiences of Indonesia will
\nbe critical.<\/p>\n
In essence, extremism and fundamentalism can be countered only
\nfrom within the faith. No amount of American intervention will
\nturn the tide against bigotry and ignorance. In fact, too much
\nmeddling by Westerners could radicalize the community even more.<\/p>\n
Moderate believers must look to examples such as Indonesia,
\nwhere Islam has encountered and interacted with new and alien
\nforces. In Indonesia (and to a lesser extent Malaysia), science
\nand technology, commerce and modern management as well as the
\nall-important challenges of democracy, human rights, and gender
\nequality are being tackled head-on in authentic terms of Muslim
\ndiscourse.<\/p>\n
Finally, moderate Muslims must explore Indonesia's vibrant and
\nindigenous Islamic traditions. The country's rich vein of Islamic
\nscholarship has embraced new ideas and sought to interpret the
\nKoran in a manner that reveals its compatibility with democracy,
\nhuman rights, gender equality and social justice. Indonesians
\nhave the tools to thwart radicals' efforts to usurp Islam. The
\nfight will not be easy, but it can be won.<\/p>",
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