Explaining the Papuans wish to secede from Indonesia<\/p>\n
By Neles Kebadabi Tebay<\/p>\n
This is the first of two articles exploring the resentment of
\nthe people of Irian Jaya (Papuans) which was fostered by the
\nadverse government practices during Soeharto's 32-year-long
\nauthoritarian rule.<\/p>\n
ABEPURA, Irian Jaya (JP): Papuans, already anxious about their
\nexistence as an ethnic group, are helplessly watching as they are
\noutnumbered by incoming outer islanders.<\/p>\n
Newcomers accounted for 30 percent of the province's urban
\npopulation in 1980, but the number doubled to 65 percent seven
\nyears later. The trend has continued unabated; in 1990 the total
\npopulation in Irian Jaya was 1,648,708.<\/p>\n
The anxiety of the Papuans stems from a number of factors. The
\nmigrant influx soared when the government designated Irian Jaya
\nas one of the transmigration destinations following its
\nintegration with Indonesia in the early 1960s. Highways were
\npromptly put in place for the transmigration sites, thereby
\nfacilitating overland communication.<\/p>\n
Some transmigrants came to the country's easternmost province
\nthrough the plantation nucleus estates (PIR) program. Slowly but
\nsurely, transmigration sites developed into towns with ballooning
\npopulations. Other arrivals were migrants who took advantage of
\nthe much improved scheduling of passenger ships.<\/p>\n
Papuans saw the people from other provinces get rich quickly,
\na reality which influenced their view of the migrants. They found
\nthat outsiders -- albeit not all of them -- came to Irian Jaya
\nnot to educate the Papuans, but to make a living. Money and
\nriches were their main target.<\/p>\n
\"They come only to look for money\" or \"They only come to find
\nand steal the natural riches, not to educate the Papuan people,\"
\nare oft-repeated complaints of the Papuans.<\/p>\n
It is obvious that the migrants played a dominant role in the
\nsociety. New migrants excelled in trade, bureaucracy, services,
\nconstruction and contracting in virtually all major towns. It
\ninevitably fostered envy among the community groups.<\/p>\n
Unlike the Acehnese, the Papuans never knew when Irian Jaya
\nwas made a Military Operations Region (DOM), except that it
\nceased to be one on Oct. 5, 1998, when then Indonesian Military
\n(TNI) commander Gen. Wiranto made an announcement to that effect.<\/p>\n
Its status was subsequently changed to that of \"security in
\ncritical regions\" (PDR).<\/p>\n
One thing is clear: the military operations have been going on
\nfor a long time. In 1977 military operations took place in
\nJayawijaya regency, and were extended to Enarotali in Paniai
\nregency in 1978 and 1979, and to West Biak in 1988 and 1989.<\/p>\n
Thousands of Papuans were slaughtered by the military under
\nthe pretext of killing the enemy or members of the Free Papua
\nMovement (OPM). The military, because it killed enemies of the
\nIndonesian state, did not feel guilty about the killings, and
\neven went so far as to justify the action.<\/p>\n
The alleged methods of killing make for horrifying reading.
\nSome were said to have been killed by having their bodies slashed
\nwith razors; others died after a hot iron bar was inserted into
\ntheir anus. Some of those killed reportedly had their flesh made
\ninto satay, which was fed to their families; wives were forced to
\neat their husbands, and children to eat their fathers.<\/p>\n
When the DOM policy was in force, every Papuan, regardless of
\nhis profession, was always considered an OPM member. He was
\nautomatically an enemy of the Indonesian state and his or her
\nevery word, deed and movement were suspected and monitored.<\/p>\n
Although no survey has been made, the victims of the
\noperations were numerous. Former Trikora military region
\ncommander Maj. Gen. Amir Sembiring admitted there were victims,
\nbut did not recognize human rights violations.<\/p>\n
Although the DOM status has been revoked, the price of a
\nPapuan's life is worth less than a chicken. To kill a chicken,
\none must buy it first, but a Papuan can be killed at no cost.
\nPapuans like to say, \"The cheapest thing in the land of Papua is
\nthe life of a Papua man\".<\/p>\n
It is not surprising the villagers are afraid to see or meet
\nTNI members.<\/p>\n
It is said the military operations were turned into illicit
\nbusiness ventures or projects for numerous parties. Therefore,
\nleaders of the so-called Security Disturbance Movement (GPK) are
\nprotected to keep the military \"projects\". The existence of OPM
\nfigures provides justification to continue with intimidation,
\ntorture, beatings, terrorization, forced labor and even the
\nslaughtering of innocent civilians. Many women have reportedly
\nbeen raped by military personnel.<\/p>\n
These experiences are a daily reality for helpless Papuans,
\nbut the actions seem to be justified by the authorities. They
\nhave caused Papuans to live in deep fear, a fact which has been
\nadmitted by the National Commission on Human Rights.<\/p>\n
Papuans are afraid to go to the fields, the church and to
\nexpress themselves. Creativity and critical thinking have been
\nparalyzed. Justice is a dream for the Papuans while injustice is
\na daily staple for them.<\/p>\n
Papuans are also put under intense mental pressure.
\nPresumption of innocence is a well-known legal term, but what is
\napplied to the Papuans is the presumption of incompetence. People
\nfrom other provinces, with a few exceptions, have the view that
\nPapuans are wholly incompetent.<\/p>\n
The prejudice is reflected in derogatory terms like stupid,
\nprimitive, dirty, black or prodigal. The presumption of
\nincompetence is applied generously. A mistake or failure in
\ncarrying out one's duty, however trivial it may seem, is a
\njustification for the prejudice.<\/p>\n
The prejudice is alive and deep rooted. Coupled with collusion
\nand nepotism, the prejudice shelved the Papuans at the bottom
\nlevel of the bureaucracy. Strategic positions in the government
\nare almost exclusively occupied by non-Papuans.<\/p>\n
Before the political reform era, Papuans were conditioned to
\naccept all policies and treatment from the authorities,
\nAspirations and opinions of Papuans about the development of the
\nPapua land were never heard. All decisions and development
\nprograms were undertaken by the central government.<\/p>\n
Papuans' ancestral land was plundered on the pretext of
\nnational development, their forests expropriated and exploited.
\nThe people were beaten, intimidated, tortured and killed. They
\nwere helpless to fight for their rights.<\/p>\n
If a Papuan dared to claim his rights he would always be
\nlabeled an OPM member, a GPK supporter or antigovernment and
\nantidevelopment. He was confronted by the big power called the
\nstate.<\/p>\n
These labels provided justification for the authorities --
\nsupported by the military -- to beat, torture, detain, imprison
\nand even kill Papuans. The authorities thought the actions were
\nright because it was for the sake of national development in the
\nprovince bordering Papua New Guinea.<\/p>\n
For the Papuans, the labels were frightening, and they toed
\nthe line of the authorities.<\/p>\n
Mere suppression of the people does not seem to provide enough
\nsatisfaction. The culture, too, must be destroyed. There are more
\nthan 250 ethnic groups in Papua, each with its own
\ncharacteristics.<\/p>\n
Exploitation of local cultural expressions and values has been
\nconducted by the authorities and businesspeople. The Asmat,
\nKamoro and Baliem cultures have been exploited in the interest of
\nparticular people and groups, or on behalf of cultural promotion.<\/p>\n
The destruction of culture is committed both by the government
\nin the name of development, and the churches in the name of
\nevangelization. There was a servant of God who told this writer
\nthat the community in a certain region had no local culture.<\/p>\n
Highly respected customary leaders are also exploited. They
\nare used in the interest of those seeking power or to defend
\ntheir power. The most serious problem is that the majority of the
\ncommunity leaders are not aware that they are being used in the
\ninterest of other people.<\/p>\n
While in other provinces people freely express their inner
\nfeelings through regional songs, the Papuans are not allowed to
\ndo so. There are no written prohibitions, but the condition
\ncreated and experienced by Papuans is one of fear to express
\nthemselves through regional songs. If there is a group trying to
\npreserve regional songs, their music is politicized as an
\nexpression of separatism. The stigma of separatism makes the
\nPapuans afraid of expressing the beauty of nature, love and their
\nexperiences through songs in their vernacular.<\/p>\n
Many Papuans have been intimidated, beaten, tortured and
\nkilled only for having sung Papuan songs. Papuans are allowed to
\nsing songs in whatever rhythm and language (keroncong, dangdut)
\nand other music from other regions and provinces, except in the
\npidgin (Papua New Guinea) rhythm and language of Papua.<\/p>\n
Now with the change of the political climate in Indonesia, the
\npossibility has been created for the Papuans to express their
\ninner feelings through their songs.<\/p>\n
Papuans have been taught to call themselves \"Indonesians of
\nIrian Jayan origin\", and are not allowed to call themselves
\nPapuans. They cannot even refer to themselves as Irianese. If
\nthere is somebody who dares to give his identity as a Papuan or
\nan Irianese, he will be marked as a supporter of the OPM.<\/p>\n
Papuans are also not allowed to call themselves Melanesian. As
\nMelanesians, they are perplexed: Must they call themselves
\nMalays? After all, would it not invite suspicion if they called
\nthemselves Malays?<\/p>\n
The writer teaches at the Fajar Timur Higher Institute of
\nPhilosophy and Theology in Abepura, Irian Jaya.<\/p>",
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