Entering the multiparty system<\/p>\n
By Mulyana W. Kusumah<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Amid the protracted debate on political bills in
\nthe House of People's Representatives and the anticipated wide
\nrange of legal and political restrictions for the multi-party
\nsystem, political parties have sprouted like mushrooms.<\/p>\n
No fewer than 137 political parties with different value and
\nsocial bases have been set up in the last seven months. These
\nparties fall into the following categories: 1) those having
\nreligious values as their basis -- 38 political parties, 33 of
\nwhich are based on Islamic values; 2) those having a "functional"
\nand "interest group" basis -- 54 political parties; 3) those
\nhaving a nationalist-democratic political line -- some 30
\npolitical parties and 4) those pursuing the social-democratic
\nideology -- about 15 political parties.<\/p>\n
Political parties set up on an Islamic basis -- 33 in number
\n-- are as follows: 1) Ahlus Sunnah Waljamaah Party, 2) The
\nIndonesian Sunni Muslim Awakening Alliance (AKAMSI), 3) the
\nIndonesian Muslim Charitable Dedication Party, 4) the National
\nMandate Party 5) the Indonesian Islamic Democratic Party (PADRI),
\n6) Two Syahadat, 7) the Democratic Islamic Party (PID), 8) the
\nIndonesian Islamic Party, 9) the Indonesian United Islamic Party,
\n10) the Indonesian Insan Mutaqin Movement (PGMI), 11) the Justice
\nParty, 12) The Ahlus Sunnah Waljamaah Community Awakening Party
\n(PRKKAM); 13) The Indonesian Muslim Awakening Party (KAMMI), 14)
\nthe Islamic Community Awakening Party (PKU), 15) the Indonesian
\nIslamic Community Unity Party, 16) the Wahdlatul Umat Unity
\nParty, 17) the Nahdlatul Umat Party, 18) the National Awakening
\nParty, 19) the Indonesian Islamic Union Party, 20) the Indonesian
\nIslamic Association Party (PSII, Dr. Bustaman, SH), 21) the
\nIndonesian Islamic Association Party (PSII, H. Taufiq
\nTjokroaminoto), 22) the Tharikat Islam Party, 23) the Islamic
\nCommunity Party (PUI), 24) the Indonesian Muslim Community Party,
\n25) the Islamic Community Dynamic Party (PDU), 26) the Kabah
\nParty, 27) the Crescent and Star Party (PBB), 28) Masyumi, 29)
\nthe New Masyumi, 30) the United Development Party (PPP), 31) the
\nIndonesian Ulema Functional Party, 32) Tarbiyah Islam, 33) the
\nUnited Party.<\/p>\n
It is likely that these Islam-based parties will form a
\ncoalition or an alliance as a plan has been initiated for an
\nalliance involving the Justice Party, the Islamic Community
\nParty, the Masyumi Party, the Tarbiyah Islam Parti (PTI), the
\nIndonesian Islamic Association Party (PSII) and the Indonesian
\nUnited Islamic Party. These parties agree that this alliance,
\nwhich will be established prior to the upcoming general election,
\nis aimed at sharing common visions, strategies and programs and
\nuniting their voices.<\/p>\n
Among the nationalist-democratic parties there are also signs
\nof alliance or even fusion.<\/p>\n
Two political parties bearing the symbol of a buffalo head and
\nhaving an identical name, namely the Indonesian Nationalist Party
\n(PNI) under Mrs. Supeni and PNI under Bachtar Oscha Chalis have
\nannounced that they are to participate in the 1999 general
\nelection under the same banner.<\/p>\n
In the meantime, there is not the slightest indication of
\nreconciliation between the two nationalist-democratic parties
\nhaving an identical symbol and name, namely the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party (PDI) under Megawati Soekarnoputri and PDI under
\nBudi Hardjono. In fact, in a general election held under a
\nproportional system, contesting political parties are not allowed
\nto share either a name or a symbol.<\/p>\n
As for political parties pursuing the social-democratic
\nideology, they seem to be having greater difficulty forming an
\nalliance than the political parties with different value bases.
\nIn the meantime, it is very likely that before the general
\nelection political parties with a "functional" base will declare
\nthat they will participate in the upcoming general election under
\nthe banner of the Functional Group (Golkar).<\/p>\n
In the present development of political parties, there are
\nalso alliances as follows:<\/p>\n
First, The Pro-Total Reform Party Forum, which brings together
\namong others the Indonesian Democratic Union Party (PUDI), the
\nNew Masyumi Party, the Marhaen Popular Party, the Islamic
\nCommunity Party, the Murba Party, the Indonesian Chinese Reform
\nParty, the Prosperous Indonesia Party, the Indonesian Nationalist
\nParty and so forth.<\/p>\n
Second, political parties taking part in a congress of
\npolitical parties on Jan. 13 and 14, 1999 under the leadership of
\nAgus Miftach (the Indonesian Popular Party), made up of such
\npolitical parties as the Indonesian Pearl Party, the Indonesian
\nWomen's Party (PPI), the Popular Sovereignty Party (PKR), the
\nCatholic Democratic Party (PDK), the Tharikat Islam Party (PTI),
\nIPKI, the Community Echo Party (PGM), MKGR, the Nahdlatul Ummat
\nParty (PNU) and the Democratic Islamic Party (PID).<\/p>\n
Third, the Communication Forum of Pro-Reform Parties (FKPPR)
\nled by Syaiful Anwar.<\/p>\n
Fourth, the Alliance of Pro-Reform Parties under Syarifuddin
\nHarahap (the Republican Party). It is made up of the Farmers' and
\nFishermen's Prosperity Party (PKTN), the 45 Community Social
\nUnion Party (Pusaka 45), the Indonesian Mandate of People's
\nSufferings Party (AMPERA), the Indonesian People's Service Front
\nParty (BARI), the Social Justice Party (PKS), the Indonesian
\nReform Party (PRI), the Indonesian Reformation Party.<\/p>\n
In view of the judicial preconditions with administrative and
\npolitical dimensions, not all political parties referred to
\nabove may be eligible for the upcoming general election.<\/p>\n
Pursuant to the Law on General Election, scheduled to be
\nratified on Jan. 28, 1999, a political party will
\nadministratively be considered a general election contestant if
\nit has nine provincial executive boards across the country and in
\neach of these provinces the party has a second-level regional
\nexecutive board in more than a half of the second-level regions
\nmaking up this province.<\/p>\n
The Law on Political Parties meanwhile states that a political
\nparty can be suspended if it fails to mention Pancasila in its
\nconstitution or if "it has characteristics contradicting
\nPancasila".<\/p>\n
The same law also stipulates that a political party "must not
\nharm national union and unity directly or indirectly". A
\npolitical party can be suspended or even disbanded by an
\ninstitution outside the party with an authoritative power.<\/p>\n
In this case, it is the Supreme Court that will have the
\nauthority to interpret these multi-interpretable definitions.<\/p>\n
A number of political parties have declared that they will
\nassume a tough stance if the Bills on Political Affairs produced
\nfail to accommodate their democratic aspirations. In this
\nrespect, they will, among other things, call for a boycott of the
\ngeneral election and even organize a "counter election".<\/p>\n
In the present political situation such a reaction is natural
\nand legitimate. The question is whether or not such an attitude
\nis realistic enough.<\/p>\n
Another question is whether or not such a political reaction
\ncan delegitimize the general election, which has now become a
\nnational consensus of sorts as an inevitable part of an
\ninstitutionalization process and also as one of the strategic
\nsolutions to overcome the protracted political crisis.<\/p>\n
The writer is Secretary General of the Indonesian Independent
\nElection Monitoring Committee -- KIPP Indonesia.<\/p>",
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