Empowering ethnic Chinese in Indonesia<\/p>\n
By Ester I. Jusuf<\/p>\n
This is the second of two articles on challenges facing the
\nethnic Chinese in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Party leaders must be rooted in the people.
\nUnless party leaders have their base in the people, they can be
\neasily regarded as not fighting for the interest of the people.
\nHow can a party earnestly fight for the aspirations and interests
\nof the people if it never gets in touch, intensively and
\ncollectively with them?<\/p>\n
The political program of a party needs to be examined in our
\nfight for the establishment of democracy and the abolition of
\nracism. First, Article 26 of the 1945 Constitution must be
\namended, because it is the source of racially discriminatory
\nregulations. This article stipulates that what is referred to as
\nan Indonesian citizen is an indigenous Indonesian and a person of
\nalien origin that the law has legalized as a citizen.<\/p>\n
What is referred to as a person of alien origin in this
\narticle is someone with Dutch, Chinese, Arabic, Indian or other
\norigin who is domiciled in Indonesia, recognizes Indonesia as his
\nor her fatherland and has his or her loyalty to the State of the
\nRepublic of Indonesia and can therefore be an Indonesian citizen.<\/p>\n
This article is loaded with the racist political interest of
\nthe ruling power that seeks to abolish the historical fact of the
\nfounding of the state of Indonesia, particularly with respect to
\nthe presence of ethnic Chinese as one of the ethnic groups in the
\nstate of Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Second, the promulgation of the antiracial and ethnic
\ndiscrimination law must be examined. It is now time for Indonesia
\nto have its antiracial and ethnic discrimination law. If a party
\nsays it fights for the abolition of racial and ethnic
\ndiscrimination, but does not in concrete terms encourage the
\npromulgation of positive laws on this matter, the honesty of its
\ninterest in the rights of ethnic Chinese must be questioned. In
\nmy opinion, any party that does not act against a racial crime
\nand does not firmly try to oppose racism gives tacit agreement to
\nthe application of racist policies.<\/p>\n
Third, the abolition of the dual role of the Indonesian
\nmilitary forces must be considered. Regarding this matter, it is
\nto be hoped that we all have an open mind and the courage to
\nthink about and analyze the issue.<\/p>\n
An interesting question was once posed in a discussion in Los
\nAngeles with Dr. Daniel Lev: "What mistake have the ethnic
\nChinese in Indonesia committed?" He said that there was only one
\nmistake, and that this mistake was that the ethnic Chinese were
\ntoo naive to trust their fate to the military.<\/p>\n
History has clearly shown how the military played a role in
\ncommitting discriminatory practices. It began with the event
\nrelated to Government Regulation No. 10\/1959 in which ethnic
\nChinese were driven away from rural areas. This action was
\nfollowed by the massacre of ethnic Chinese in Kalimantan as a
\nresult of their involvement in the North Kalimantan People's
\nParty (Paraku). Later, security levies and shares were allotted
\nto military personnel in Chinese-Indonesian companies.<\/p>\n
Or, more obviously, we could draw attention to the May riot in
\n1998, in which the military allowed a racial riot to occur in
\nwhich citizens were the victims.<\/p>\n
Tragically, many still trust their fate to the military. This
\npattern of thought must be changed. A political party's rejection
\nof the dual function of the military, therefore, is an important
\nyardstick to discover its seriousness in fighting for democracy
\nand abolishing racism.<\/p>\n
A general election is one of the standard political mechanisms
\nto build the legitimacy and legality of a government's power.
\nAlthough the 1999 election is politically flawed -- as the
\nproduct of the old forces, namely the People's Consultative
\nAssembly (MPR) and the DPR, formed as a result of the 1997
\ngeneral election under the New Order regime -- it is important to
\nthe people, particularly ethnic Chinese, as a venue for the
\nimplementation of democracy and freedom of expression. These
\nfreedoms were both stifled in the 32 years under the New Order
\nregime.<\/p>\n
By joining the election process, ethnic Chinese may learn and
\nparticipate in the fight for a change, including changing their
\nown fate. A deliberate vote for a party that fights for democracy
\nand antiracism will be a minimum concrete step toward change.<\/p>\n
One question remains however: "Are the elections the only way
\nto wage the struggle for democracy?" Certainly not. There is a
\nstruggle waged by the pro-democracy movement outside of the
\nMPR\/DPR, led by university students. Through their actions, which
\nare deeply rooted in the interests of the people, they have urged
\nthe government to listen to and comply with popular wishes.
\nEthnic Chinese must be actively involved in such a movement and
\nmust not be alienated from other segments of the population.<\/p>\n
We cannot stop at simply opting for a party. Ethnic Chinese
\nmust have a bargaining position when dealing with any political
\nparties or forces. This is not easy, especially in the current
\nsituation when ethnic Chinese are haunted with two kinds of fear:
\nthe fear that another riot will break out and the fear that they
\nwill be labeled exclusive. This fear must be fought.<\/p>\n
Ethnic Chinese must work hand in hand with all other popular
\nsegments to fight racism. It is now time for ethnic Chinese to
\nlearn to organize themselves to fight for rights which have been
\ninfringed upon.<\/p>\n
The writer is chairperson of the standing committee of
\nSolidaritas Nusa Bangsa (Motherland Solidarity).<\/p>",
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