Elections 2004 are for tomorrow, not for today<\/p>\n
Wimar Witoelar, InterMatrix Communications, Jakarta,
\nwimar@perspektif.net<\/p>\n
Around 145 million Indonesian voters will go to the poll
\nstations around the country today. There has not been as much
\ninternational news about Indonesia as there was in the past. The
\ntrouble spots in the world command the major news stories,
\nbecause of their direct impact on the home countries of the
\nglobal news services. It is not newsworthy to report the sigh of
\nrelief which is spreading throughout the archipelago.<\/p>\n
Contrary to the fears of many, the campaigning period has
\npassed off relatively peacefully. A substantial part of the
\ncampaining has moved to TV clips, debates, print ads and
\nbillboards, boosting parts of the economy. Even the money going
\naround to pay for campaign supporters had a positive impact to
\nboost consumer spending as billions of rupiah have flooded the
\nmarket.<\/p>\n
There is, however, much less passion in the campaigning. Part
\nof the reason is public apathy related to fatigue, dashed hopes
\nat betterment of living conditions. The current government has
\neffectively doused the fire of reform that burned in our hearts
\nsince the magic of 1998. Soeharto was pushed from power by sheer
\nemotional commitment of students and the masses. But then the
\npoliticians who took over from the popular movement failed to use
\nthe momentum for true reform. Instead they established a new
\npolitical elite and brought cynicism upon the political
\nlandscape.<\/p>\n
The Megawati government curiously reflects more of the
\nSoeharto political culture than the pioneering spirit of her
\nfather Sukarno, and it was by exploiting his image that she was
\nput in power by her political handlers. Now presidential
\ncandidates include known corruptors and alleged violators of
\nhuman rights. Not really leaders to build your dreams on.<\/p>\n
There is little optimism for the 2004 elections if you are
\nlooking at immediate results but there is immense potential if
\nyou think of the future. Quite the reverse of the situation after
\nSoeharto's fall when there was a sense of immediate relief, but
\nlittle readiness for real reform. At that time new public leaders
\nwere perceived as reformists. Now we have the first election run
\nby a body (the General Election Commission or KPU) which is
\nindependent of government intervention. But the candidates are
\neither retreads of past regimes or opportunists trying out newly
\nacquired skills of abuse of power and corruption. It is now a
\ncase of good guys electing bad guys,<\/p>\n
So who are the good guys? They are the people who now run the
\nelections. Many jokes are circulated over the logistical mishaps
\nin preparations for the elections. Delays in printing and
\ndistributing voting ballots, lack of information and problems in
\ncommunications.<\/p>\n
Curiously, people miss the point that the KPU is unprecedented
\nanywhere in the world of elections. The figures are mind-
\nboggling: More than 400,000 candidates, over 600 million copies
\nof more than 2,000 different ballot papers, to be distributed to
\n600,000 polling stations spread out across the world's
\narchipelago country, and all the votes will be cast in the first
\nfew hours of April 5.<\/p>\n
But the really good guys are the people who will go vote. The
\nordinary man and woman who want a better life, who never want
\ntrouble, who prove everyday that they are good folks. People who
\nlive in peace when there is no activity from shadowy figures from
\nthe state inciting riots against the Chinese-Indonesians or among
\nreligions.<\/p>\n
People who do not condone terrorism and get irritated when
\ntheir attitude is doubted. The funny thing, is that because the
\nbad guys are now reinstated in the system after brave, but
\nultimately frustrated, attempts to push them out from 1998 to
\n2001, they have stopped masterminding mayhem to destabilize the
\ngovernments of 1998-2001. They prefer having their images on TV
\ncommercials and campaign posters and like the idea of being
\ninvited as luncheon speakers and embassy guests.<\/p>\n
So why is there optimism? Well, processes and results rarely
\nhappen at the same time. When you work out in the gym it is all
\nsweat and tears, but weeks later your biceps and triceps bulge
\nand make you proud. When you buy a water pump it produces dirty
\nwater initially, but after a few days the clean water starts to
\nflow out. Parents raise their children with a mixture of hope and
\ngrief, but when the children become adults they bring all the joy
\nin the world, if you are as lucky as I have been.<\/p>\n
Indonesia has to be lucky now because we have been so unlucky
\nin the past. Indonesia is a war child, giving birth to itself not
\nby the good graces of colonialists but by intense armed conflict.
\nWe have had to fight against religious conflict, with greater
\nsuccess than most outsiders may think. We have had social
\nupheavals, political turnarounds and economic collapse unmatched
\nin the area. This has given some of us a measure of humility,
\nsome a sense of inferiority, and in a few cases syndromes of
\nbelligerence, after a century of bloodshed wrought upon their
\npeople and on other people from all over the world.<\/p>\n
It is good that Islam is not a point of conflict in Indonesia.
\nThis is contrary to the assumption of outside observers. We can
\ntell good people apart from bad people even when Muslims look
\nparticularly frightening to outsiders. No party with a serious
\nchance has picked up a religious theme except soothing messages
\nof tolerance. There is no anti-foreigner rhetoric. Pluralism is
\nour theme as we downplay ethnic, religious and regional
\ndifferences.<\/p>\n
Generations must pass for democracy to fully develop. What we
\nhave now is just the beginning. It has been only six years since
\nwe sent off a repressive regime. What we have now is at worst a
\nmessy state, and at best a fledgling democracy. Democratic change
\nhas to come from within. Sacrifices brought now, for democracy
\nand human rights, are likely to pre-empt future suffering and
\npain, because in the end people will claim their legitimate
\ndemocratic rights, whatever the cost. These are inevitable truths
\nthat we must recognize and build on. The elections will not bring
\nsalvation today. But will build the political infrastructure for
\ntomorrow.<\/p>",
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