East Timor's big tasks<\/p>\n
The Straits Times
\nAsia News Network
\nSingapore<\/p>\n
East Timor has managed to hold two elections since its break
\nwith Indonesia in August 1999. In the presidential election held
\non Sunday, resistance leader Xanana Gusmao was confirmed by a
\nlarge margin as the newest icon to emerge from the world of the
\ndeprived.<\/p>\n
In August last year, parliamentary elections had installed in
\ngovernment the Fretilin, the secessionist movement which fought
\nPortuguese colonial rule and Indonesian occupation for three
\ndecades. Considering the territory's background of administrative
\nneglect by the Portuguese, then of horrific violence unleashed
\nover the outcome of the 1999 referendum which went against
\nIndonesia, the Timorese people can claim some satisfaction over
\nthe growth of their institutions.<\/p>\n
On May 20, East Timor will become the world's newest sovereign
\nstate when the United Nations withdraws its protection. Concern
\nover whether the trajectory and pace towards statehood have been
\ntoo fast can be answered only by the Timorese people themselves.<\/p>\n
The new state will remain dependent on international aid
\nagencies and donor governments -- and plenty of impartial expert
\nadvice. This has special relevance to its offshore gas and oil
\nreserves under the Timor Sea between the territory and Australia,
\nwhich oil companies and the Australian government have been quick
\nto work on. There is considerable interest in the agreements
\nreached between the UN interim administration for East Timor and
\nAustralia to exploit the reserves, thought to be worth up to
\nUS$20 billion (S$36.7 billion). The resolution of disputes over
\nthe delineation of the undersea border will determine how much of
\nthe wealth will actually flow to East Timor.<\/p>\n
This issue has the potential to flare into a major diplomatic
\nrow, which an incoming Timor government may not be well-equipped
\nto handle. East Timor should seek technical advice from UN
\nagencies and world energy councils. OPEC (Organization of
\nPetroleum Exporting Countries), would be one place to look.
\nMembership in a regional grouping is also an imperative, to take
\nadvantage of the full range of economic cooperation and support
\nnetworks. Either ASEAN, or the South Pacific Forum of island
\nnations dominated by Australia and New Zealand, looks an ideal
\nfit. ASEAN carries much the greater potential for organic growth,
\nbut East Timor may not find it easy gaining admittance.<\/p>\n
That is the external dimension. Internally, achieving a
\nsemblance of national cohesion will be the first order of
\nbusiness for the Fretilin-led government under Chief Minister
\nMari Alkatiri. The Fretilin did not gain its expected two-thirds
\nmajority in the legislative election. A loose alliance forged
\nwith minor parties in the 88-seat Constituent Assembly will give
\nthe nascent administration the clout to push through programs.
\nMuch is expected of President-elect Gusmao in playing the
\ndelicate role of unifier, despite the presidency being a
\nceremonial office.<\/p>\n
But regrettably, a false start has been made. Portuguese has
\nbeen reinstated as the official language at the expense of
\nIndonesian. Portuguese is spoken by only 17 percent of the
\n800,000 population, Bahasa Indonesia by 63 percent. Tetum, an
\nindigenous language used by nine out of 10 Timorese, co-ranks
\nwith Portuguese as an official language. Indonesian may still
\nretain importance as a working language, and English could become
\ndominant in commerce. But to foist Portuguese on a liberated
\npeople who have no affinity with anything remotely Iberian, bar
\nChristianity, is an odd way to launch nationhood.<\/p>",
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