{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1433416,
        "msgid": "east-timor-and-the-free-association-model-1447893297",
        "date": "1999-10-25 00:00:00",
        "title": "East Timor and the free association model",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "East Timor and the free association model Many East Timorese leaders and people have returned to rebuild their lives and their ravaged new nation. Regarding the future of the territory, political researcher Hermawan Sulistyo recommends the adoption of a system that will benefit the new nation and its neighbor. JAKARTA (JP): Almost no political observer or politician at a domestic or international level has paid much attention to the future political format of East Timor.",
        "content": "<p>East Timor and the free association model<\/p>\n<p>Many East Timorese leaders and people have returned to rebuild<br>\ntheir lives and their ravaged new nation. Regarding the future of<br>\nthe territory, political researcher Hermawan Sulistyo recommends<br>\nthe adoption of a system that will benefit the new nation and its<br>\nneighbor.<\/p>\n<p>JAKARTA (JP): Almost no political observer or politician at a<br>\ndomestic or international level has paid much attention to the<br>\nfuture political format of East Timor. Recent commentaries,<br>\nreviews and analyses have focused on the displaced people, the<br>\nscale of the killings and the reign of terror in the post-ballot<br>\nperiod. There is a need to formulate in the near future and the<br>\nlong run a transitional scheme or final format for East Timor's<br>\nstatehood.<\/p>\n<p>Whether we like it or not, the results of the ballot showed<br>\nthat East Timor has chosen the path toward independence. Yet many<br>\nobstacles still dog the process toward independence. Leaving<br>\naside recent political problems, East Timor as well as Indonesia<br>\nmust face the future problems of their relationship. An<br>\ninternationally backed independent but politically unstable East<br>\nTimor will pose an inherent threat to Indonesia's political<br>\nstability. Therefore, we urgently need a proposal that can cater<br>\nto the needs of both sides.<\/p>\n<p>One of the biggest problems toward resolving the current<br>\nconflict is the status of prointegration East Timorese. They lost<br>\ntheir hope of residing in East Timor when the proindependence<br>\nside won the ballot. After the bloody outburst which followed the<br>\nannouncement of the ballot's result, the prointegration camp came<br>\nup with a proposal to divide East Timor into eight regencies. The<br>\nprointegrationists said the territory would maintain its status<br>\nas an Indonesian province, but that it would allow the rest of<br>\nthe territory -- the remaining three regencies -- to have their<br>\nindependence. No consensus has so far been reached on this matter<br>\nor on other issues pertaining to the future independent East<br>\nTimor.<\/p>\n<p>In proposing a format for an independent East Timor and its<br>\nrelationship with Indonesia, we might learn something from<br>\nseveral small countries in the Pacific. Palau, the Cook Islands,<br>\nNieu and the Marshall Islands can provide valuable lessons<br>\nregarding their independent status.<\/p>\n<p>As small states, they adopt a scheme called a \"free<br>\nassociation\" with certain larger countries. The scheme retains<br>\nsome functional services and systems of a small state with<br>\nvarious \"metropolitan countries\".<\/p>\n<p>A free association scheme, drawn from these small states'<br>\nexperiences seems a suitable model for the future relationship<br>\nbetween Indonesia and East Timor. Under the scheme, the first and<br>\nmost important problem to be solved is the status of citizenship.<br>\nUnder a \"free association\" scheme, a proindependence East<br>\nTimorese could have his or her East Timor citizenship, while a<br>\nprointegration East Timorese could hold dual citizenship.<\/p>\n<p>\"An East Timorese Indonesian\", or whatever the term we use,<br>\nthen retains his or her Indonesian citizenship without leaving<br>\nEast Timor. On the part of the proindependence camp, free<br>\nassociation would be suitable for a reconciliation strategy. The<br>\nscheme should also be suitable for the prointegration camp,<br>\nbecause it solves the residency and citizenship status problem.<\/p>\n<p>If both warring parties agreed to a free association scheme,<br>\nthen there would still be a need for further technical<br>\narrangements. Indonesian immigration law does not recognize dual<br>\ncitizenship. However, legal reforms could provide room for a new<br>\nlaw to accommodate the special status of dual citizenship for the<br>\nIndonesian East Timorese.<\/p>\n<p>With the problem of citizenship solved, other technical<br>\narrangements would follow. These could include the use of the<br>\nrupiah as the currency. Rational considerations would prevent any<br>\nobjection to the use of the Indonesian currency as East Timor's<br>\ncurrency. A shared postal system is another possible aspect of a<br>\nfree association scheme. But a stamp indicates national identity,<br>\nand thus an independent East Timor should print its own stamps.<\/p>\n<p>The list is much longer than we may think. Just consider the<br>\nsystems of transportation, irrigation, education and language --<br>\nafter Tetun and Portuguese, bahasa Indonesia is likely to be the<br>\ncountry's third language.<\/p>\n<p>This is not to mention the economic relationship. For more<br>\nthan two decades East Timor has received an annual subsidy of<br>\nUS$70 million. After the post-ballot disaster, it is expected<br>\nthat international grants and loans will soar to unprecedented<br>\nfigures.<\/p>\n<p>An economically booming East Timor, at least for a short<br>\nperiod, may lead to an imbalanced structure of regional economic<br>\nentanglements, which in turn will destabilize the region. A free<br>\nassociation scheme could serve as a proper economic arrangement<br>\nwhich would benefit both countries. Supplies that traditionally<br>\ncame from Surabaya and other islands in East Nusa Tenggara can<br>\nlead to prosperity for nearby communities.<\/p>\n<p>A carefully thought-out free association scheme could also<br>\nperhaps serve as a first step in easing Indonesia's long and<br>\nbitter tensions with Portugal. One stage of history is now over.<br>\nUnder the new government of Indonesia, and under a free<br>\nassociation scheme between Indonesia and East Timor, there is no<br>\nneed for an acrimonious relationship between Indonesia and<br>\nPortugal to continue. Many Indonesians do not know that the<br>\ncurrent Portuguese government is not the same government that<br>\nenjoyed colonizing East Timor in the past.<\/p>\n<p>There is no question that both Indonesia and East Timor<br>\nurgently need a modified free association scheme. To recover from<br>\nthe bitter conflict of the past, the new government of Indonesia<br>\ncan take the initiative to propel the scheme forward. The<br>\nsessions of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) are the best<br>\nplace for us to start a new and positive course for both the<br>\nfuture of East Timor and Indonesia.<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/east-timor-and-the-free-association-model-1447893297",
        "image": ""
    },
    "sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
    "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}