East Timor, a new nation is born<\/p>\n
By Kusnanto Anggoro<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): An independent state of East Timor is being
\nborn. On Aug. 30, 2001, the second anniversary of the referendum
\nthat resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia, the
\nEast Timorese will vote in national elections for an 88-member
\nConstituent Assembly that will have three months to write and
\nadopt a constitution that will determine what type of political
\nsystem East Timor will adopt. The Fretilin political party will
\nvery likely dominate the government.<\/p>\n
It is still unclear as to when actual independence will occur.
\nEast Timor will remain under the control of the United Nations
\nuntil actual independence is granted. The United Nations
\nTransitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) will appoint the
\ngovernment in East Timor. Important as it may be, the
\nsignificance of the election may not be related to the
\nconstitution, but the fact that it has also become a vehicle for
\nnational reconciliation. A successful election would be the most
\nlegitimate way to resolve the serious rupture in East Timorese
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
For the time being, this appears to have been resolved. A Pact
\nof National Unity, signed on July 8 by 13 political parties, for
\nexample, should guarantee that the election will be peaceful. The
\natmosphere in the wake of elections appears to be positive,
\ndespite some complaints about fundraising irregularities and
\ncriticism leveled by rival parties. The 14-point pact may also
\nbecome an important instrument to strengthen trust building in
\nthe post-election politics.<\/p>\n
For sure, there are still many bumps in the road ahead to
\nbuild a democratic entity and a tolerant multi-ethnic society. In
\nthe short-term, no one can be sure what kind of independent state
\nwill emerge from the transition. Like many other newly
\nindependent states, the temptation to become an authoritarian
\nstate will be very strong. The Fretilin party, who are likely to
\nwin the majority of election votes, have the electoral legitimacy
\nto dominate the new government.<\/p>\n
However, they may still need political support from other
\nparties. Such an inclusionary strategy could be useful,
\nespecially in order to share the risk in running a government.
\nBuilding a nation is more difficult than achieving independence.
\nIn addition to tribal politics, post-colonial East Timor has been
\nfacing other pressing problems; that is the division between
\nthose who stayed in Timor throughout the Indonesian occupation
\nand those who left to live overseas; between the different groups
\nwho fought for independence and their differing understandings of
\nthat struggle.<\/p>\n
The new government will encounter both pent-up expectations
\nand frustrations. In the last week of April this year, for
\nexample, thousands of protesters marched before the UNTAET office
\nin Dili. They may have been driven by political naivete,
\nopportunism, or more sinister motives. Indeed, the protest was
\norganized by two splinter groups within the Fretilin political
\nparty -- the Council for the Preservation of the Democratic
\nRepublic of East Timor and the Association of Timorese Social
\nDemocrats -- perhaps to undermine the Fretilin.<\/p>\n
Yet they may have been voicing misgivings on the \"benign
\ncolonialism\" of the UNTAET, which decrees binding laws,
\nnegotiates treaties on East Timor's behalf, makes police arrests
\nfrom district offices throughout the country, incarcerates
\nsuspects and even runs Timor's postal service. Many have raised
\nconcerns that these measures may have the potential to sap the
\ninitiative of local potential. More importantly, the protest may
\nreflect grievances from those who feel left behind in East
\nTimor's new order.<\/p>\n
The leadership in East Timor faces massive social, political
\nand economic hurdles. There will be no quick fix for East Timor.
\nElections, a constitution and government are necessary in the
\nformation of states. However, these may not be sufficient for
\nstates to realize the more important task and mission of making a
\nnation. An independent state of East Timor must be a state that
\nis capable of liberating their own people from injustice,
\ninequality and repression. It should also be able to craft a
\nsense of national identity.<\/p>\n
It is worthwhile to note grievances among East Timorese
\nyoungsters. A young East Timorese whom I interviewed at Saldhanna
\nCenter, a luxurious shopping mall in Lisbon, the capital of
\nPortugal, said, \"We fought against the Indonesian [military] to
\nwin our independence and identity. Now the East Timorese may have
\nwon their vote for independence. Yet, we have won neither
\nidentity nor independence. Portuguese is our national language;
\nthe dollar is our currency. Our struggle is not yet finished.\"<\/p>\n
The statement may have been too sentimental, or no more than
\nan aggregation of despair by an outcast in Lisbon. Yet, it is
\nalso an expression of the expectations for what independence
\nshould really mean. In any case, political independence is an
\nimmeasurable capital to accomplish the true liberation from
\nservitude in tranquility.<\/p>\n
Dr. Kusnanto Anggoro is a senior researcher at the Centre for
\nStrategic and International Studies and a lecturer at the
\npostgraduate studies program of the University of Indonesia in
\nJakarta.<\/p>",
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