Demystifying globalization<\/p>\n
Moch. N. Kurniawan, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Lexus dan Pohon Zaitun : Memahami Globalisasi;
\n(Original title, Lexus and The Olive Tree: Understanding
\nGlobalization); By Thomas L. Friedman; ITB, 2002; 496pp<\/p>\n
Globalization may not be the most frequent word people say in the
\nworld but there is no doubt that it greatly affects the lives of
\neveryone on the planet.<\/p>\n
Some come into contact with globalization merely by eating
\nWestern fast food while others feel its presence when using the
\nInternet.<\/p>\n
Noted journalist Thomas L. Friedman describes the
\nglobalization phenomenon in this book.<\/p>\n
He writes that globalization is the only major system
\nsubsisting since the end of the Cold War. It has one overarching
\nfeature: integration. This makes it different from the Cold War,
\nwhich was characterized by divisions between countries.<\/p>\n
Globalization is also characterized by a single word: the web,
\nor network, which is greatly assisted by the presence of the
\nInternet. The Internet symbolizes the connecting of people so as
\nto allow them to do many things ranging from stock transactions,
\nupdating countries' situations or even organizing a worldwide
\nstrike.<\/p>\n
Friedman writes that countries, global markets and individuals
\nhave built the power structure in globalization, replacing the
\nbipolar structure between the U.S. and Soviet Union during the
\nCold War.<\/p>\n
The power of the global market could be seen at play in the
\nfall of Indonesia's President Soeharto in 1998 when global
\nplayers pulled out their money due to a lack of confidence in the
\ncountry as a safe haven for investment.<\/p>\n
Another example is the fact that a person like Osama bin
\nLaden, who has money and networks, could declare a war against
\nthe U.S. in the late 1970s, forcing the U.S. to bomb Afghanistan
\n-- where Osama was believed to be living -- with 75 rockets, each
\ncosting US$1 million. This represents a war between a superperson
\nversus a superpower country.<\/p>\n
Friedman defines globalization as an inexorable integration of
\nmarkets, nation states and (information) technology to a degree
\nthat has never been seen before -- in such a way that all
\npersons, firms and nation states can reach the world farther,
\nfaster and cheaper.<\/p>\n
However, there will always be a backlash from those that are
\nleft behind by globalization, such as the poor, tribal groups,
\nprotectionists, labor unions and environmentalists.<\/p>\n
These groups express their frustration against globalization
\nin many ways. Poor people cutting down trees and destroying
\nforests is one example. Protectionists ask governments to provide
\nmore incentives for local industries while labor unions request
\ngovernments to stop importing cheap, but good, products to
\nprotect their own products and keep their inefficient employers
\noperating, to give but a few examples.<\/p>\n
Friedman says that such resistance against globalization will
\ncontinue to exist, but each of the interested groups have their
\nown agendas and are not united, thus rendering them unable to
\nproduce an alternative ideology to globalization.<\/p>\n
In other words, globalization is the only choice, something
\nthat countries must adjust to.<\/p>\n
Consequently, according to Friedman, the free market must be
\naccepted along with the values of democracy, transparency,
\ndecentralization and legal certainty.<\/p>\n
Friedman gives examples of countries that have succeeded or
\nfailed in adopting these values.<\/p>\n
Among the extreme failures are the Soviet Union and Albania.
\nThe Soviet Union failed to develop capitalistic values after the
\ninstitution of Glasnost and Perestroika as they contradicted its
\nlong-held communist values.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, Albania misunderstood the values of capitalism
\nafter the communist regime fell. Instead of developing values to
\nsupport capitalism, it permitted too much freedom, where
\nbusinessmen disrespected the rule of law, refused to pay taxes
\nand did not care about the people's welfare.<\/p>\n
The list of success story is, of course, headed by the U.S.,
\nto which Friedman devotes one whole chapter of his book.<\/p>\n
Many dimensions of life are now dominated by the U.S., from
\nthe expansion of the McDonald's fast-food chain, the currency
\nmarkets, to the Internet, which have been accepted worldwide.<\/p>\n
But one question remains. Why does Friedman choose the title
\nLexus and the Olive Tree : Understanding Globalization.<\/p>\n
Lexus is actually a luxury car manufacturer in Japan with 310
\nrobots as its mechanical \"workers\", and a mere 66 flesh-and-blood
\nworkers. The robots work 24 hours a day, and are more productive,
\nmore accurate and more efficient than human beings.<\/p>\n
Lexus is a symbol of modernization and increasing living
\nstandards where everyone needs comfort, automation, less work,
\nand more leisure and wealth. Lexus is everyone's dream.<\/p>\n
Meanwhile, the olive tree symbolizes uniqueness or
\ndistinctiveness, which by nature goes against globalization, a
\nprocess that tends to make life uniform.<\/p>\n
It represents a place where citizens can express their
\nuniqueness so as to earn the respect of others, without fear of
\ndoing something wrong.<\/p>\n
As an example, Friedman points to the people of Norway, one of
\nthe wealthiest countries in Europe, whose people refused to join
\nthe European Union as they felt they would loose much of their
\nidentity. The Norwegians also refused to adopt the Euro single
\ncurrency.<\/p>\n
They are sure they can continue to grow given their vast oil
\nreserves, without the EU. Their country may be a little bit
\nlacking in transparency and be somewhat less efficient, but the
\nNorwegians are proud as they can continue to use their unique
\ncurrency and other national symbols.<\/p>\n
In the globalization era, the olive tree is the opponent of
\nthe Lexus, and manifests itself in movements like
\nenvironmentalism, protectionism, tribalism and nationalism.<\/p>\n
This book gives us inspiration, solutions and an understanding
\nof how the world works now.<\/p>\n
A lesson that is relevant to Indonesia is the destruction of
\nrain forests in Brazil. Just like people here, many people in
\nBrazil cut down trees arbitrarily as they had no jobs or other
\nsources of livelihood.<\/p>\n
A U.S. politician, Keith Alger, came to an area in Brazil
\nintending to educate loggers so as to stop the illegal logging.
\nBut his efforts were not good enough.<\/p>\n
He then changed his strategy into taking legal action against
\nthe loggers and creating jobs for them.<\/p>\n
For seven years, Alger and friends fought the loggers with the
\nresult that ultimately all logging was banned by the government
\nof Brazil.<\/p>\n
He then contacted his friends in the U.S. to encourage them to
\ninvest in ecotourism, a move that successfully saved the forests
\nand created jobs for the locals.<\/p>\n
When will Indonesia adopt a similar approach?<\/p>\n
This book is a rich source of new information and lucid
\nexplanations, making it very valuable reading for understanding
\nbetter the complexity of globalization.<\/p>\n
The translation of the book also avoids giving rise to
\nproblems in attempting to understand the main message of
\nglobalization.<\/p>\n
However, some may dislike the book, saying it is merely a
\npropaganda tool for globalization, one which fails to offer any
\nalternative ideologies.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/demystifying-globalization-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}