Deformation pervasive, reform elusive<\/p>\n
Social unrest continues to terrorize the nation. It seems
\nendless and whole communities are on edge. Amid threats of
\nnational disintegration, we asked Dr. H.S. Dillon, chairman of
\nthe Coordinating Body for National Unity (Bakom PKB) and a member
\nof the National Commission on Human Rights, to place recent
\nevents in perspective.<\/p>\n
Question: Why does there appear to be a breakdown in national
\nunity ?<\/p>\n
Dillon: This a complex issue, but in our case I would say that
\ncentralization and unbridled greed in all walks of life are the
\nmajor factors. The imperial center shows very little regard for
\nthe regions, extracting so much from them while giving them very
\nlittle in return. Often, regional communities feel that they are
\nnot being treated as equals, but are regarded more as enemies to
\nbe exterminated. Now, with a much-weakened center, they are
\nmounting an offensive for a greater say. They are demanding
\ngreater control over their own futures.<\/p>\n
Q: Surely things have changed under the reform Cabinet?<\/p>\n
D: That is a misnomer because since Soeharto was forced to step
\naside deformation has been much more dominant than reformation.
\nThat is why everywhere one sees misshapen institutions and norms,
\nwhose natural shapes have been altered by pressures and stresses,
\nwhile the correction of errors, the removal of defects and the
\nabandonment of irresponsible and immoral practices remains
\nelusive.<\/p>\n
Q: Could you be more specific?<\/p>\n
D: Yes, but where should one begin? Let's just begin with the
\nCabinet. Although many of the ministers say in private that even
\nGorbachev was a staunch communist before launching glasnost, the
\npeople know how corrupt some of them have been. These ministers
\nare very crafty. Although they pretend to support the President,
\nthey know that he does not have much of a chance in the
\nelections. Thus, you can see ministers issuing all sorts of
\nmisguided directives, such as the export tax on crude palm oil;
\npositioning cronies in state-owned enterprises with a total
\ndisregard for corporate governance. Thus, the council of
\nministers has been further deformed by personal ambition. Some of
\nthem are former Soeharto loyalists, while others are new
\naspirants trying to accumulate funds and create their own
\npersonal constituencies ahead of the upcoming elections.<\/p>\n
Q: Are these practices limited to the Cabinet?<\/p>\n
D: Unfortunately not. The ruling elite perseveres the old KKN
\n(corruption, collusion and nepotism) mind-set. Listening to the
\ncomments and watching the antics of high ranking officials, it is
\nobvious that the offices of the President and the attorney
\ngeneral are being reduced to communal fiefdoms, robbing them of
\nany remaining credibility. In the meantime, the law enforcers are
\nenjoying a windfall, summoning a string of citizens who were
\n'lucky' during the previous regime and managed to amass large
\npersonal fortunes, without bringing any of them to trial. The
\nbusinessmen, many of them former rent-seekers now donning the
\ngarb of cooperatives, are having a last hurrah trying to make as
\nmuch as possible by jumping on the bandwagon of the people's
\neconomy while the inept and corrupt bureaucrats are still in
\nplace. Other leaders? They continue to incite the people, pitting
\nbrother against brother, playing upon divisive instincts for
\ntheir own purposes, demonstrating total disregard for national
\nunity.<\/p>\n
Q: What do you think of the Armed Forces, and what role will they
\nplay in the future?<\/p>\n
D: They need to engage in a great deal of soul-searching and make
\na major effort to transform themselves. For a start, they should
\nno longer issue public orders to shoot on sight. Even criminals
\nhave rights, and as law-abiding citizens we all have to respect
\ndue process. Soldiers can not continue to be judge and jury,
\nmeting out death sentences at will. While their troops are seen
\nto be no more disciplined than armed vigilantes, it will be
\ndifficult for the generals to play a constructive role in the
\nnation's future. The honest and nationalistic officers among them
\nshould spearhead an effort to look for the truth behind the gross
\nviolations of human rights in Aceh, Irian Jaya, Jakarta and East
\nTimor. They should also try to heal wounds through a process of
\nnational reconciliation and stay in the forefront of the reform
\nmovement toward democratization. Only by transforming themselves
\nback into the \"People's Army\" founded by General Sudirman will
\nthey be able to find a respectable place in the new Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Q: What hope is there for Indonesia's future?<\/p>\n
D: I have great hope. I am confident that our people will rise to
\novercome this daunting challenge, as they have done many times in
\nthe past. We need enlightened leaders to mount such a response,
\nbut I am sure that this catastrophic learning experience will
\nproduce such leadership. Just look at the courage shown by our
\nchildren, the students, who have sacrificed even their lives.
\nThey have been very strong in resisting efforts by traditional
\npower brokers to maintain the status quo by spreading dissension
\namong their ranks. Fear not, our students are the real
\nIndonesians, placing national interests ahead of their own. They
\nare the bearers of the torch, and they will keep the 1945 flame
\nalive.<\/p>",
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