Decree set to prevent racism<\/p>\n
By Benny Subianto<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Presidential Decree No. 56 issued last month
\nwaives the requirement for the wife and children of Chinese
\nIndonesians to obtain an Evidence of Indonesian Citizenship
\ncertificate.<\/p>\n
The certificate, issued by district courts, was needed to
\nobtain various papers such as an identity card, passport, and
\neven to enroll in college.<\/p>\n
It is an open secret that the bureaucracy often takes
\nadvantage of such requirements by making things more difficult
\nfor Chinese Indonesians. The decree seems to aim at eradicating
\ndiscrimination against them.<\/p>\n
Chinese Indonesians have long been disadvantaged by various
\nlegal procedures, making it clear that they are legally
\ndiscriminated against. Some bureaucrats and politicians argue
\nthat such discrimination is necessary to prevent illegal
\nimmigrants from entering the country.<\/p>\n
No wonder that the decree was welcomed by many, in particular
\nthe ethnic Chinese and those who support national integration
\nefforts.<\/p>\n
The decree is politically and legally significant since it
\ngives equal treatment to Indonesian people of Chinese descent.<\/p>\n
The abolition of the citizenship certificate reflects the
\ngovernment's seriousness in solving the Chinese problem following
\nthe 1990 restoration of diplomatic ties with China. Moreover, it
\nis inevitable that Chinese Indonesians' economic potential in
\nnational development would be ignored.<\/p>\n
Last year, a presidential decree on Procedures on Completing
\nan Application for Indonesian Citizenship was issued. This
\nPresidential Decree 57\/1995 enabled a huge number of less-
\nprivileged stateless Chinese ascendants to obtain Indonesian
\ncitizenship.<\/p>\n
What is interesting about these two decrees is they were
\nissued amid rising anti-Chinese sentiments and some anti-Chinese
\nriots in Purwakarta and Pekalongan in 1995. One might interpret
\nthe issuing of the decrees as a message to treat Chinese
\nIndonesians more fairly.<\/p>\n
Some prominent figures have openly criticized Chinese
\nIndonesians for their role in creating imbalanced social and
\neconomic justice, as if ethnic Chinese should take responsibility
\nfor the poverty and backwardness of millions of their fellow
\nIndonesians.<\/p>\n
Criticism aimed at some rich Chinese Indonesians is well-
\nfounded, but it should not be generalized as if the rich ones
\nrepresent the whole Chinese Indonesian people. The rich few are
\nthose who have unfairly benefited since the Dutch colonial
\nperiod, during Japanese occupation, national revolution, and to
\nthe rise of big businesses during the New Order period.<\/p>\n
It is true that some Chinese Indonesians conduct fraudulent
\nbusiness practices, political collusion and are business cronies
\nof high-ranking officials, or commit other business crimes for
\nwhich they should be punished.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, these are not valid reasons to racially
\ndiscriminate against all Chinese Indonesians, nor blame them all
\nfor being economic animals and calling them the main agents of
\nsocial injustice in Indonesian society.<\/p>\n
We should also think about the millions of Chinese descendants
\nin Kalimantan, North Sumatra, Bekasi and Tangerang who live in
\npoverty. In fact, they might be potential victims of such racist
\nrhetoric.<\/p>\n
All racist overtones should be avoided since they lack a
\nrational basis. Take as an example the lesson given by Hilter's
\ncoming of power and launching racist politics against Jews in
\nGermany. Rather than condemn all Chinese Indonesians, we should
\ndenounce only those who commit crimes, just as we would condemn
\nother erring Indonesians. Chinese Indonesians should never be
\ngeneralized into one \"black\" category.<\/p>\n
How do we read the political context of the government's two
\ndecrees? There are at least two possibilities. First, it implies
\nthat racist policies and politics should end. It seems that the
\npresidential decrees are intended to respond to such practices.<\/p>\n
Second, along with the global demand for human rights, it is
\nincreasingly impossible for a civilized country to practice
\nracist policies against a minority group by continuously blaming
\nit for a country's backwardness.<\/p>\n
In this regard, the majority should create a social climate
\nconducive to nation unity. This requires equal opportunity for
\nall ethnic groups.<\/p>\n
However in the case of Chinese Indonesians, stressing the
\nissue of equal opportunity is easily attacked because it could
\nstrengthen the Chinese, some of whom have been economically
\nstrong since the colonial period. Giving equal opportunity may
\nonly widen the economic gap and create further social injustice.<\/p>\n
The answer depends on how we conceive the concept of justice.
\nThe positive perspective allows every individual, regardless of
\nsocial condition, to pursue their goals, and laws should be made
\nto ensure this. While the negative perspective tends to restrict
\nindividuals from pursuing their life aspirations in order to
\nmaintain \"harmony\" even though it may prevent individuals from
\nreaching their potential.<\/p>\n
I do not pretend to make any theoretical judgment.
\nNevertheless, neither of the two views could justify a racist
\nview. More importantly, discussions about tribal affiliations,
\nreligion, race, and societal groups are frowned upon and this
\nshould help prevent any practice of racism.<\/p>",
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