Creating (dis)comfort in Indonesia<\/p>\n
Sulaiman Tripa, Student, The School of Law, Syiah Kuala University,
\nBanda Aceh<\/p>\n
This big country is plagued by conflicts, which in this
\ncontext are no longer natural.<\/p>\n
Differences, which in Islamic terminology turn into a
\nblessing, have now served as a means to point arms at one
\nanother. In the beginning of this new century -- as a sequel to
\nthe one producing absurd men -- Indonesia is characterized by
\nbloody action. When will all this be over? Or will we still be
\nexperiencing greater discomfort?<\/p>\n
Several writers traveling abroad, particularly after the World
\nTrade Center and Pentagon tragedy on Sept. 11, 2001, could hear
\nunfamiliar names for Indonesians, like looters, robbers and
\nrapists.<\/p>\n
The terminology obviously alludes to the incident of rape in
\nMay 1998, the rioting throughout 1999 and the political tragedy
\nof July 27, 1997.<\/p>\n
In the United States, the stigma is even worse. Especially
\nwhen the U.S. was about to invade Afghanistan, the strongest
\nopposition reportedly came from Indonesia with large-scale
\ndemonstrations conducted by Islamic groups during November and
\nDecember 2001.<\/p>\n
So the conflicts keep going. Some have surfaced while others
\nare dormant. Some remain deep rooted and still others are over.
\nBesides the conflicts in Indonesia, antagonism prevails in the
\nglobal political constellation as well. The Indonesian
\ngovernment's official stance toward the issue of terrorism and
\nseveral international conflicts is particularly relevant, which
\nin reality affects internal clashes.<\/p>\n
Certain of Indonesia's conflict settlement policies are
\nnoticeably more meant to please the countries on which the
\nnation's living needs and armaments depend, instead of seeking a
\nthorough solution.<\/p>\n
It is therefore only proper that the conflicts persist and
\nfail to proceed naturally. They become something terrifying as
\nthe unhealthy and unnatural frictions have left behind the murky
\nside of humanity and lingering thoughts.<\/p>\n
People often take the conditions for granted because diversity
\nindeed characterizes this country. But with the diverse elements
\nbeing reduced to uniformity, they have revolted. So conflicts
\ntainted with violence have emerged as part of the diversity that
\npreviously failed to manifest. The uniformity was also reflected
\nin the armed approach as the only way of problem solution.<\/p>\n
With the collapse of the New Order -- the regime imposing the
\nuniform policy -- on May 21, 1998, history finally made people
\naware that they were different rather than uniform. Based on
\nhistorical, philosophical and sociological facts, this state
\nactually has existed due to its diversity.<\/p>\n
The physical features of the country are easiest to detect,
\nwith its 13,699 islands covering a total area of no less than two
\nmillion square kilometers and a population of more than 210
\nmillion.<\/p>\n
This population, the world's fifth largest after China, the
\nU.S., Russia and India, has various languages and 495 ethnic
\ngroups, besides at least five religions along with dozens or
\nperhaps hundreds of mystical sects (Kompas, December 20, 2000).<\/p>\n
Nonetheless, does the fall of the regime of uniformity ensure
\nthe attainment of comfort in the country? It is just the topical
\nsubject. The Indonesian public remains haunted by the trauma of
\nthe July 27 and May 1998 riots and the tragedies of the Semanggi
\nand Trisakti student shootings, which in certain cases have grown
\ninto the initial stage of a new discomfort for society.<\/p>\n
On May 21, 1998, smoldering forces earlier hidden began to
\nrise, some with identities and others in the name of entities.
\nThere were those emerging out of oppression, in terms of economy,
\npolitics and even humanity, as well as cultural marginalization.
\nPost-reform conflicts have now really demonstrated unsound and
\nartificial phenomena.<\/p>\n
Such forces virtually spread across the nation. Cases in Aceh,
\nTanjung Priok, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Papua and East Timor are
\nfacts of deep resentment of long standing. Fresh incidents are
\nappearing before complete settlement of these cases, thus
\ndemanding a lot more time, energy and mental effort.<\/p>\n
Inter-regional conflicts have broken out since the enforcement
\nof Law No.22\/1999 on regional autonomy and Law No.25\/1999 on
\nfinancial equilibrium. Some regional administrations even turn up
\nbetween regions in the same territory.<\/p>\n
Conflicts between ethnic groups, religious communities, and
\nbetween indigenous people and resettlers are still around.
\nMeanwhile, student and neighborhood brawls are now a common
\nsight.<\/p>\n
Ironically, the conflicts are rife at the political elite
\nlevel. At this level, such clashes are liable to include their
\npolitical supporters and party followers. Intellectual actors
\ncome out in other forms. This in fact represents the inability of
\nthe state and its elite to detect the different kinds of
\napprehension in society.<\/p>\n
Our authorities are very reluctant to claim that they are 'no
\nlonger capable of executing their missions'. This incompetence is
\nmanifested by their search for the so-called 'intellectual
\nactors' and scapegoats.<\/p>\n
In the political and social conflicts and cases of
\ndisintegration in several regions, the government has only one
\nidea in every move: Arms. The government often thinks that arms
\nwill solve the strife in restive areas. Wasn't it arms that made
\nthe Tanjung Priok issue so widely remonstrated, and East Timor so
\nbloody and devastated?<\/p>\n
There seems to be the unawareness that the role of
\nincompetence will lead to a catastrophe. It is even more the case
\nif one considers Jakarta the most accurate guide to settle all
\nmatters.<\/p>\n
This pattern must be changed. The elite's struggle
\nparticularly for power must be straightened out. Whether or not
\nrealized, it has become the second factor -- the first being the
\npower policy error -- that causes the blood-bath conflicts in the
\ncountry. In other words, the elite are responsible for the
\ndiscomfort in society.<\/p>\n
It is indeed very difficult to change the paradigm in
\nIndonesia, whose elite have been in the grip of a mistaken
\npattern of power for almost half a century. At least their way of
\nthinking can no longer be put to right.<\/p>\n
This is the toughest challenge ahead. However demanding the
\ntask may be, it must be carried out. Don't we wish to bring about
\ncomfort in our lives without producing absurd men in this century
\nof human rights? Otherwise, future history will be the same as
\nbygone facts.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/creating-discomfort-in-indonesia-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}