Corruption of the Republic<\/p>\n
B. Herry-Priyono
\nDriyarkara
\nSchool of Philosophy
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
The herd of that social vice called corruption rumbles on
\nunabated. The year 2002 has seen a rapid escalation of this
\ncontagion, even though the chorus of criticism grows louder. As
\nthe vicious herd and virtuous criticism take their opposing
\ncourse, most of us may expect that they would soon collide in a
\nmost dramatic manner. If only life were a Hollywood film, of
\ncourse!<\/p>\n
The endemic nature of corruption in Indonesia always makes us
\nfeel aghast and uncomprehending. Instead of receding, many
\nobservers say it is increasingly spreading. Instead of being
\nconfined to some pockets, it has spread horizontally and
\nvertically, rotting out the heart of the legislature. Some call
\nit \"the democratization of corruption\", others \"the
\ndecentralization of corruption\". The admission of Indira
\nDamayanti and Meilono Soewondo - members of the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party of Struggle - in October 2002 that they had
\nreturned a bribe of US$1,000 each from the Indonesian Bank
\nRestructuring Agency during the sale of Bank Niaga is an
\nexception.<\/p>\n
The good news is, more whistle blowers are coming out. The bad
\nnews is, justice remains elusive. No doubt, surveys regularly
\npublished by watchdogs like Transparency International or
\nPolitical and Economic Risk Inc. are invaluable. However, they
\nmostly show \"perception\" rather than the \"facts\" of corruption.
\nSince perception is very much prone to beliefs, there seems to be
\nan urgent need for caution.<\/p>\n
The story of corruption usually goes like this. A group of
\nstate bureaucrats have stolen billions or trillions of rupiah
\nthrough juicy fraud, cheating, embezzlement or epic
\nmiscalculations. Corruption, in the words of the IMF and World
\nBank mandarins, is \"the abuse of public office for private gain\"
\nthat arises from the \"arbitrary and capricious state action\".
\nThis, of course, ranges from corrupt practices by state
\nexecutives to that done by people's representatives in the
\nlegislature. The year 2002 has witnessed this malpractice go
\nunchecked.<\/p>\n
The problem with this notion is not that it is false, but,
\nrather, that it is only half of the story. At the global level,
\nno recent period has given a better guide to what happens to the
\nother half than the year 2002. When the scandals of Enron, Tyco,
\nAdelphia, ImClone, Merck, Vivendi and many other business giants
\nbegan to emerge at the end of 2001, we came clearly face to face
\nwith that concealed half. Aside from the stories of corrupt
\nbureaucrats, these scandals show that private businesses are
\nhighly capable of committing massive corruption without
\ngovernment help.<\/p>\n
Examples from home abound. By what name should we call the
\nlooting of over Rp 138 trillion of Bank Indonesia Liquidity
\n(BLBI) funds by some unscrupulous business tycoons? Further, how
\nshould we define the Rp 8.4 trillion tax evasion by big
\nbusinesses, \"or about 60 percent of the total tax arrears of 14.5
\ntrillion\", as revealed by Director of the Large Taxpayers Office
\nin July 2002?<\/p>\n
What is happening here is large-scale corruption by non-
\ngovernment parties. I have tried to think of another name for it,
\nbut there simply isn't one. Many scandals in the year 2002 have
\nforced us to revise the existing definitions of corruption. A
\nmore republican conception is needed. Otherwise, even in
\nunderstanding, let alone solving, one of the most fundamental
\nproblems of this country, is that we are deceived by our own
\nmyopia.<\/p>\n
Even incremental solutions have yet to be started. How? As
\nmost of us understand, there needs to be more concentration on
\nnon-corrupt law enforcement. Only those with vested interests
\nwould disagree. The problem is, talking about law enforcement in
\nIndonesia is opening a giant pandora's box. It is not that law
\nenforcement is unimportant, but that law enforcement has long
\nbeen captive to the power of the purse. How often we are
\nconfronted by the unpalatable fact that money, in this country,
\ncontrols the noble law!<\/p>\n
Indeed, the nature of corruption seems to be less a reflection
\nof weak law than that of the political economy. The higher the
\nlevel of corruption on the socio-economic ladder, the harder is
\nto punish the perpetrator. In matters of power, history seems to
\nstand still: those who have the gold control the rules. That is
\nwhy white-collar corruption hardly results in prison.<\/p>\n
We hope more noble souls blow the whistle in the coming years.
\nBut, without breaking the above political-economic taboo,
\ncleaning up the mess of corruption remains an illusion. So,
\nperhaps it is time for us, citizens of this Republic, to press
\none clear suggestion. See that justice is done in at least three
\ncases of white-collar corruption in the year 2003. That would be
\na good starting point. The means, of course, must be legitimate,
\nbut legitimacy should not be confused with the existing legal
\nprocedures. It is for this reason that an extraordinary process
\nto deal with the crime of corruption has never been more urgent.<\/p>\n
The word corrupt comes from Latin corrumpere: to destroy,
\nbribe, taint, rot. Originally, it was used to describe things,
\nchemical elements, personal character, as well as action. From
\nthe verb comes the noun corruption, rotten condition and action.
\nHow did it enter into the social, political, economic and legal
\nworld?<\/p>\n
The answer lies in the \"republican\" conception that sees our
\nwelfare and lack thereof as a matter of common affairs (res:
\nthing\/interest\/affair; publica: public\/common; whence the term
\n'republic' comes). It is a mistake, therefore, to define
\ncorruption simply in financial terms. In the final calculus,
\ncorruption is an act of the rotting of the fabric of our
\nRepublic.<\/p>",
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