Coping with development problems in Irian Jaya<\/p>\n
By Bambang Widjojanto<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): What has gone wrong with development in Irian
\nJaya, Indonesia's most-eastern province?<\/p>\n
Its economy is growing by 8 percent to 10 percent in the
\n1990s, its infrastructure is expanding and the number of schools
\nin the province is on the rise. Yet a spate of heart-wrenching
\nincidents have plagued this province in recent months.<\/p>\n
No sooner had the National Commission on Human Rights
\nconfirmed a violation by the military when a riot broke out on
\nMarch 10 in the township of Timika, in which the PT Freeport
\nmining site was ransacked. A few days later a riot broke out in
\nJayapura, and a week later the Abepura market was set on fire.<\/p>\n
Last year, members of the Mooi tribe wrecked a building of a
\nprivate company in Sorong after the company appropriated their
\nland. Some Mooi held a rally in front of the regent's office in
\nJayapura, unfurling banners that read: Is there still justice for
\nus? We want our rights. Let the sago palm grow.<\/p>\n
Back in 1988, a group of Irianese proclaimed themselves
\nindependent as citizens of the West Melanesian Republic, in
\nJayapura's Trikora Square.<\/p>\n
The recent incidents in Irian Jaya stem from the indirect
\nresult of development combined with the yet-to-settle political
\ndust following a UN-sponsored transfer of the province's
\nsovereignty from the Dutch colonial power in the early 1960s.<\/p>\n
After three decades of development, what benefits do the
\nIrianese receive?<\/p>\n
It is ironic that most Irianese are poor, but exploitation of
\nthe province's natural resources has enriched other regions. It
\neven subsidizes the government.<\/p>\n
Hence, there is something inconsistent between the process of
\ndevelopment and its end results. Despite the impressive results,
\ndevelopment has failed to make the locals feel they are part of
\nthe process. They have yet to feel the benefits of development;
\nthey have no access to economic sources; nor can they control
\ntheir future.<\/p>\n
The economic gap is widening. Irian Jaya's economy depends on
\nproducts derived from natural sources such as forestry, mining,
\nagricultural produce and fishery, all of them demanding vast
\nspaces of land.<\/p>\n
Seventy percent of the population works in the agricultural
\nsector, which emphasizes on family related activities.<\/p>\n
About 60 percent of the manpower is illiterate or has not
\ncompleted elementary level schooling. Only 20 percent completed
\nelementary school.<\/p>\n
Other social problems, if not given the proper attention,
\nmight give rise to social unrest. The number of university
\ngraduates is growing but work opportunities are scarce. In the
\nmeantime, the number of new settlers is swelling, thereby
\nminimizing job opportunities at all levels.<\/p>\n
Today, the local economy has been taken over by new arrivals.
\nPreviously, sago and betel nut were sold by Irianese. This is no
\nlonger the case. Eighty percent of small-scale traders are
\nnewcomers, who sell their wares in the market kiosks, while
\nIrianese vendors sell their wares on the sidewalks.<\/p>\n
The problems are aggravated by the presence of the Independent
\nPapua Organization (OPM), which hinders political integration.
\nDespite attempts to purge the organization, the OPM has survived
\nsince its onset in 1963.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian Armed Forces calls the OPM a peace-disturbing
\nmovement. But the Armed Forces often exploits this term by using
\nit for locals who protest development policies or for those who
\nseek justice.<\/p>\n
There are several reasons why the OPM persists. Prior to
\nrelinquishing its sovereignty to Indonesia under UN sponsorship,
\nthe Dutch colonial government prepared the province for self-
\nrule. Hence, the dream lasts.<\/p>\n
The Irianese believe that there had been a flaw in the
\nplebiscite because of the representation system and that during
\nnegotiations between Indonesia and the Netherlands, which yielded
\nthe New York Agreement in 1962, not one Irianese was represented.<\/p>\n
The social gap between the locals and newcomers further
\nstrengthens the locals' "cargo cult", meaning they believe that a
\njust leader will bring prosperity to the people one day.<\/p>\n
The government's development strategy tends to put the
\nIrianese at a disadvantage and threatens their very existence. To
\nmost Irianese, land is everything. When they lose it they lose
\ntheir existence. In such a situation they will cling to their
\ndream of establishing a free Papua country.<\/p>\n
Social conflicts stemming from a search for identity and from
\na transformation from traditional to modern institutions could
\ntrigger future rioting and radical action.<\/p>\n
It would be wise if the government avoided coercive methods in
\ndealing with issues in this young and rugged province.<\/p>\n
The writer is chairman of the Foundation of the Indonesian
\nLegal Aid Institute.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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