Constructing Indonesian presidency<\/p>\n
Yayan GH Mulyana, Bogor, West Java<\/p>\n
Presidency has been defined, among others, as the collective
\nadministrative and governmental entity operating in a
\npresidential office. Presidency varies from one state to another
\nand from one period to another in a single country.<\/p>\n
Sukarno's presidency differed from Soeharto's, B.J. Habibie's,
\nAbdurrahman Wahid's and Megawati Soekarnoputri's.<\/p>\n
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's presidency has been projected as a
\nWhite House, West-Wing style entity, in which the President is
\nsurrounded by his most trusted aides in a presidential think
\ntank. A discourse on this presidential entity has emerged
\nrecently.<\/p>\n
The President and his inner circle are important elements of
\nthe presidency. He is in a position to color the leadership
\nstyle.<\/p>\n
In accordance with Preston's categorization of leadership
\nstyles (2001), a president could become a magistrate, having
\nlimited policy experience but in much need for power; a
\ndelegator, having limited policy experience and a low need for
\npower; a navigator, having extensive policy experience as well as
\nhigh complexity; a sentinel, having extensive policy experience,
\nbut low complexity; an observer, having limited policy
\nexperience, yet high complexity; or a maverick, showing both low
\ncomplexity and limited policy experience.<\/p>\n
Susilo's style of leadership could fall between a navigator
\nand a sentinel.<\/p>\n
His inner circle comprises individuals having direct access to
\nthe President and the power to shape his opinions and positions
\non particular issues. How they interact with the President could
\nbe collegial, competitive, triumvirate or hierarchical.<\/p>\n
The President has the authority to set the rules of the game
\nfor interacting with his inner circle. The President also could
\ndevelop layers within the inner circle in order to prevent a
\nmind-boggling interface.<\/p>\n
No plan has yet been revealed by the new President on how the
\ninner circle of 10 to 11 individuals and others outside this
\ngroup will be accommodated in his presidency. These individuals
\nhave been involved in setting the agenda and in programmatic
\ndiscourse since the pre-presidential investiture stage at
\nSusilo's private residence in Cikeas, or even earlier.<\/p>\n
Are they going to be institutionalized under the West-Wing
\nstyle presidency, or will they become independent and on-call
\ncounselors to the President? Or are they going to be mandated to
\nchair presidential commissions or supporting agencies?<\/p>\n
Hopefully, a better picture will emerge about these matters
\nsoon.<\/p>\n
Since a presidency can grow an epistemic community of its own,
\nthe President and his inner circle could both serve as mentor and
\nstudent to each other. Sharing knowledge and experience among
\nthem will be a useful exertion.<\/p>\n
Members of the inner circle are expected to help the President
\nin dealing with the paradox of plenty, especially in the abundant
\ninformation to be used as a basis for decision-making. The
\npresidential leadership should remain in command of such
\ninteraction in order to prevent intrusive exercises from the
\ninner circle.<\/p>\n
A presidency should not be bogged down by details, which
\nshould be tackled by departments and other governmental agencies.
\nA president devises a grand and strategic design and lets his
\nministers tend to the details. Presidential directives are to be
\nconcise, straightforward and clear. Meanwhile, ministers are
\nrequired to be responsive and capable of turning the directives
\ninto workable fine points.<\/p>\n
A presidency should be guided by moral character. It should
\nbecome neither a Hobbesian nor Machiavellian entity.
\nProfessionalism coupled by moral fiber could become a powerful
\ndriving force in the work of the presidency.<\/p>\n
It is also important that Susilo's presidency avoids the
\npossible emergence of the \"groupthink\" phenomenon coined by
\nIrving Janis (1972). According to Janis' study, groupthink occurs
\nif a group assisting the president makes faulty decisions.
\nPresidential directives affected by groupthink could end in
\nfiascoes. In the history of the American presidency, the Bay of
\nPigs incident and the Vietnam War -- and perhaps the current
\nAnglo-American invasion in Iraq -- are some examples of
\ngroupthink consequences.<\/p>\n
Susilo's Camelot of most trusted aides should be aware of this
\nphenomenon and its dangers.<\/p>\n
While toil is emphasized as a work ethos, it is not sinful if
\nthe Indonesian presidency proceeds steadily from a dutiful
\npresidency to joyful one. A study of American presidency by Ellis
\nindicates that in 19th century, the presidency was a duty and
\nburden, yet these days, the presidency could display fun-in-work.<\/p>\n
An earlier study by Barber (1972) demonstrated that a healthy
\npresidency could be measured by the degree of pleasure that a
\npresident enjoys in exercising their political power.<\/p>\n
It is widely known that Susilo is a serious and methodical
\nindividual. Perhaps, in bringing joy amid pressure, Susilo's
\npresidency could be both dutiful and joyful at the same time.<\/p>\n
Constructing a presidency is an unremitting process. It is an
\nimportant process that, with endurance and proper cultivation,
\ncould lead to a strong and competent presidency. It is also
\nimportant to the foundation of tradition and character in the
\nIndonesian presidency.<\/p>\n
Hopefully, Susilo and his inner circle can contribute to the
\nconstruction of a viable Indonesian presidency.<\/p>\n
The writer is a Fulbright alumnus. He can be reached at
\nyanvontsazik@yahoo.com.<\/p>",
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