{
    "success": true,
    "data": {
        "id": 1255760,
        "msgid": "conflicts-persist-in-ri-1447893297",
        "date": "2002-05-06 00:00:00",
        "title": "Conflicts persist in RI",
        "author": null,
        "source": "JP",
        "tags": null,
        "topic": null,
        "summary": "Conflicts persist in RI Bantarto Bandoro, Editor, The Indonesian Quarterly, Center for Strategic and Indonesian Studies, Jakarta Indonesia has had four presidents in just four years (1998- 2002) and each of them has experienced a turbulent period during their presidency. The sources of the turbulence in the country are the quite potentially dangerous flashpoints of Maluku, Aceh, Papua, Sulawesi and Kalimantan, and perhaps to certain extent Jakarta.",
        "content": "<p>Conflicts persist in RI<\/p>\n<p>Bantarto Bandoro, Editor, The Indonesian Quarterly,<br>\nCenter for Strategic and Indonesian Studies, Jakarta<\/p>\n<p>Indonesia has had four presidents in just four years (1998-<br>\n2002) and each of them has experienced a turbulent period during<br>\ntheir presidency. The sources of the turbulence in the country<br>\nare the quite potentially dangerous flashpoints of Maluku, Aceh,<br>\nPapua, Sulawesi and Kalimantan, and perhaps to certain extent<br>\nJakarta.<\/p>\n<p>There are a number of unconnected regional rebellions. Some<br>\nare ethnic or religious conflicts, other regions want nothing<br>\nless than independence. In Sulawesi in 2000, religious violence<br>\nspread to the remote Poso region of central Sulawesi. The<br>\nviolence continues in spite of the 2002 Malino I peace accord.<br>\nAceh is still far away from becoming a stable region as the<br>\nseparatist GAM army continues its push for independence for the<br>\nprovince. In Riau, there was no open warfare, but there were<br>\nfeelings of injustice among Riau's 4.5 million inhabitants. Such<br>\nfeelings have led them to call for Riau's independence based not<br>\non politics but on economic grievances.<\/p>\n<p>In Papua, guerrillas of the OPM are fighting for independence<br>\nwhile the political struggle is advanced by the Papuan Presidium<br>\nCouncil (PDP). Sectarian conflict in the Maluku islands,<br>\nespecially Ambon, continues unabated, putting at stake the Malino<br>\nII peace accord for Maluku. The government is now thinking of<br>\nimposing martial law in the region if the security situation<br>\ndeteriorates further.<\/p>\n<p>Indonesia is a sprawling archipelago of more than 13.000<br>\nislands and the government in Jakarta now faces a constant<br>\nchallenge to keep the country together and stable. Indonesia now<br>\nseems to be besieged by a these flashpoints. It is perhaps<br>\nagainst this background that President Megawati Soekarnoputri, at<br>\nthe Ansor congress opening ceremony last month, urged all sectors<br>\nof the society to be aware of the threat of national<br>\ndisintegration. This is in fact not her first statement on the<br>\ndisintegration issue.<\/p>\n<p>Sometime in October 2001, Megawati repeatedly warned<br>\nIndonesians of the possibility of the country's breakup if ethnic<br>\nand religious issues remain unresolved. She even used the former<br>\nYugoslavia as an example and linked Indonesia to the Balkans.<\/p>\n<p>Indonesia's challenges are enormous. How serious is this<br>\nthreat of disintegration in our country and does Megawati's<br>\nstatement reflect that she is now up to dealing with the issue of<br>\ndisintegration more seriously?<\/p>\n<p>Megawati's concerns over the consequences of the destabilized<br>\nand warn-torn archipelago has touched on the real sense of the<br>\nhuge problems Indonesia is now facing. Part of it is injustice.<br>\nThis is the experiences suffered by many groups in eastern as<br>\nwell as western parts of Indonesia, and those also experienced by<br>\nthe minorities.<\/p>\n<p>Such arguments continue to be put forward by those who happen<br>\nto be treated indiscriminately by the policies of the central<br>\ngovernment. Violence has then become the way to advance justice.<br>\nAmbon is a case in point. It is reported that one of the warring<br>\ngroups in Ambon has been treated unequally by the local<br>\ngovernment, causing further violence.<\/p>\n<p>Disintegration is not only about separation. Disintegration<br>\ncan also mean, among other things, imbalances in central and<br>\nlocal institutions. This balance is necessary to facilitate<br>\ndevelopment or peace building. There is skepticism that the<br>\ngovernment's policy on decentralization will result in a more<br>\nstable archipelago because of the strong sentiments of ethnic and<br>\nreligious elements.<\/p>\n<p>Thus, there was an idea, from the government, to slow the<br>\nprocess of decentralization so that the issues of ethnicity and<br>\nreligion could not be used by the local elites to boost their<br>\nposition in many local governments. The concerns are about the<br>\nexcessive use of ethnic or local symbols and ethnic pride to<br>\nsupport regional autonomy. But in order for us to have a<br>\ndemocratic state and society, we have to decentralize the<br>\ngovernment. This is perhaps the proper way to promote justice<br>\nprovided that the government is wise enough in handling the<br>\nethnic and local symbols sentiments.<\/p>\n<p>Those flashpoints will still be in existence and might move in<br>\nmore dangerous directions. Stricter but indiscriminate policies<br>\nare therefore imperative to start reducing the degree of damage<br>\nwhich could be caused by these flashpoints. But the policies<br>\nshould not be one that would hinder the democratization process<br>\nin the country.<\/p>\n<p>The government of Megawati must resolve what some understood<br>\nas \"predemocratic problems\" as a precondition of democratic life<br>\nas they cannot be solved by the normal process of democracy.<br>\nSadly, as we have been witnessing in the past two years, violence<br>\nplayed a major role in their resolution. Democracy is thus a<br>\nsource of disintegration.<\/p>\n<p>If Megawati means disintegration is the total detachment of<br>\nthe local and national elements, be it political, economic and<br>\nterritorial, from the Indonesian unitary state, then the<br>\ndisintegration takes place both at the micro and macro level of<br>\nthe state, and this is precisely because there had been no<br>\nintegration at the level of national society as a whole. In other<br>\nwords, there had not been a degree of integration needed to<br>\ncreate a self-sustaining community with which people identify,<br>\nthat is, a nation. Megawati must also realize that Indonesia is<br>\nnot yet a corrupt free country, a factor that is also responsible<br>\nfor disintegration.<\/p>\n<p>Megawati's government must take stern policy action against<br>\nthose who seek to break away from Indonesia and manage those<br>\nflashpoints in such a way that would prevent Indonesia from<br>\ndisintegrating into a \"junk nations\". This terminology, used by<br>\nChristopher Dickey in his article in Newsweek on November 27,<br>\n1995 to characterize the falling apart of a country, means \"bits<br>\nand piece falling away from an old state without quite managing<br>\nto form new ones\".<\/p>",
        "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/conflicts-persist-in-ri-1447893297",
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