Competition between liberal and conservative group<\/p>\n
Ahmad Najib Burhani, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The year 2005 saw numerous disputes between conservative
\nMuslims and liberal Muslims to change the face of Islam in
\nIndonesia. A number of incidents that occurred this year were a
\nmanifestation of these disputes. To mention some incidents, there
\nwas the ban on the Laskar Cinta (Love Army) logo created by the
\nDhani Ahmad pop singing group; the trial of Yusman Roy, who
\nprayed in Indonesian and Arabic, and the attack on the Mubarok
\ncampus -- belonging to the Indonesian Ahmadiyah Congregation
\n(JAI) -- in Bogor in July by a swarm of brutes calling themselves
\nIndonesian Muslim Solidarity (GUII).<\/p>\n
There are also controversies over 11 MUI (Indonesian Ulema
\nCouncil) edicts issued on July 29, and the attempt to oust
\nLiberal Islam Network (JIL) from the Utan Kayu complex in East
\nJakarta shortly after the fatwa was made public.<\/p>\n
The issues of liberal Islam, pluralism among religions and
\ntolerance of secular ideas seems to have greatly preoccupied the
\nminds of Muslim leaders, particularly those at MUI, and thereby
\nneglecting terrorism as the most pressing issue in this country.<\/p>\n
There is a prevailing perception that liberal Islam,
\nsecularism, and pluralism are far more dangerous than terrorism.
\nMUI has preoccupied itself more with issues like Ahmadiyah and
\ninterfaith marriages, than suicide bombings, which actually have
\na far more devastating impact society. They are more concerned
\nwith ritualistic issues such as interfaith joint prayers and
\nfemale preachers instead of the immorality in society like
\ncorruption, which has already become so deeply ingrained that it
\nis almost like a tradition in our society.<\/p>\n
They have paid little attention to the trial\/investigation of
\nformer minister of religious affairs Said Agil Munawar, for his
\nalleged involvement in a haj budget irregularities. MUI seems to
\nbe \"delighted\" by busying itself in \"attacking\" harmless groups
\nsuch as JIL and JIMM (Muhammadiyah Young Intellectual Network),
\nrather than decisively dealing with extremists. This shows the
\nfailure of religious leaders in listing priorities of problems
\nwithin societies.<\/p>\n
Bizarrely, the MUI seems to have just opened its eyes to these
\nrealities after they were invited by Vice President Jusuf Kalla
\nto watch the shocking video tape of the Indonesian Muslim suicide
\nbombers. Previously, the clerics were reluctant to condemn their
\nMuslims brothers who were deviating from the true teaching of
\nIslam. It appeared that they were unwilling to call them the real
\nenemy of Islam, and that their deeds should be religiously
\nforbidden and cursed by society.<\/p>\n
Many Muslims leaders understand all to well the evil nature of
\nterrorism, but they choose to be quiet in public, apparently
\nafraid of being criticized as a mainstream Muslim. They have
\noften shifted their moral duty to explain the truth to other
\nsimilarly reluctant clerics at the expense of an increasingly
\nmisled society. \"Not me, please,\" they say as they excuse
\nthemselves from the responsibility. More bizarrely, MUI regards
\nliberal Islam as threatening as terrorism. This can be seen in
\nthe banner in front of Istiqlal Mosque, which reads \"beware of
\nliberalism and terrorism.\"<\/p>\n
In dealing with this terrorism issue, even the antiterror
\nteam, which was recently founded by the MUI and the ministry of
\nreligious affairs, is full of ambiguities. Ma'ruf Amin as the one
\nwho was appointed as the leader of this team is actually the
\nchairman of the fatwa (edict) council within the MUI. The fatwa
\ncouncil is charged with enforcing and issuing the controversial
\n11 religious edicts. He has always been perceived as a fiqh-
\noriented religious scholar with conservative characteristics.<\/p>\n
Such conservative views are widespread within Indonesian
\nsociety. This is the reason why extremism in unstoppable in this
\ncountry. Moreover, radicalism seems to find a fertile ground in
\nthe country's religiosity. Other social and economic matters
\nmight have contributed to radicalism, however the potential for
\nconflict was already ingrained in the way the society sees
\nreligion.<\/p>\n
From childhood, Muslim children here are trained to see the
\ndifferences rather than the commonalities among people. Even my
\nfour-year-old daughter often says the Westerners on TV are kafir
\n(infidels). When we were browsing around in a mall, my daughter
\nasked about the Chinese couple walking in front of us, \"Daddy,
\nare they Muslims?\" she whispered to my bewilderment. Such double-
\nstandard perceptions seem to have been deeply embedded in the
\npsyche of Indonesian people: we go to heaven, they go to hell; we
\nare right, they are wrong; we are beloved by God, they are a
\ndisgrace to God.<\/p>\n
In addition to the antiterror team's problem of ambiguity, the
\nway this team tackles terrorism issues is also problematic.
\nMa'ruf Amin, the chairman of the team, and many other religious
\nleaders seem to try to portray terrorism as the antithesis of
\nIslam; much the same way as the New Order portrayed communism as
\nthe antithesis of Islam. Therefore, according to their views,
\nterrorism must have no relation at all with Islam.<\/p>\n
Such phenomena of the severe competition between conservatives
\nand liberals has instead resulted in antipathy from other members
\nof society towards these two competing groups. The majority now
\nseems to have found a comfortable religiosity in the figures of
\nAa Gym (KH Abdullah Gymnastiar), Jefry al-Bukhary, Agus Haryono,
\nArifin Ilham, etc.<\/p>\n
This is because the religiosity of this Muslim majority
\nfollows market mechanisms. For them, religiosity in the way they
\npractice their religion, is a matter of \"rational choice.\" For
\nthem, religiosity is like a commodity in a market where they have
\nfreedom to choose something that could really satisfy their needs
\n-- much like the law of demand and supply in the economy. This
\ndemand for peaceful religiosity, in fact, cannot be found in
\nthose two competing groups.<\/p>\n
Such peaceful religiosity is instead found in packaging models
\nor \"advertising celebrities\" like Jefry al-Bukhary and others
\nwhose characters splash out on us from television. They are also
\ncrazy about religion that can miraculously heal diseases, relax
\nemotions and expand their fortunes, as offered by the likes of
\nArifin Ilham and Ustadz Haryono.<\/p>\n
The religious rituals might end up functioning merely as
\ntheatrical show, which would only be able to provide temporary
\nhappiness, far from deep happiness as genuinely promised by
\nreligion. At the same time, the liberals would increasingly
\nbelieve that religion is a troublemaker. While the conservatives
\nwould increasingly believe that they should hold their religion
\nas rigidly as possible.<\/p>\n
The writer works at the Research Center for Society and
\nCulture at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. He is also a
\nmember of Pemuda Muhammadiyah. He can be reached at
\nnajib27@yahoo.com.<\/p>",
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