Combating terrorims in RI<\/p>\n
Bantarto Bandoro, Editor, 'The Indonesian Quarterly', Centre
\nfor Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta,
\nbandoro@csis.or.id<\/p>\n
The past few months have seen serious discussion on the
\ndangers of terrorism. Much has occurred to convince the public
\nhere that the threat of terrorism is a serious matter, to be
\ntaken up at every level of public policy. This includes the
\nbombing of JW Marriott hotel, the debate on whether Indonesia
\nshould adopt antiterrorist legislation like the Internal Security
\nAct (ISA), and the capture of suspected terrorist mastermind
\nHambali, together with competing claims for legal jurisdiction
\nover him. Most recently, there was the "antiterror trip" of
\nPresident Megawati Soekarnoputri, which is believed to have
\nbolstered antiterrorism cooperation with neighboring countries.<\/p>\n
The threat has become even more serious, given that Indonesia
\nis listed as one of the countries most likely to be targeted in
\nterrorist attacks.<\/p>\n
Among issues of current debate on terrorism here is the
\ngovernment's demand that it be given direct access to Hambali and
\nthat Hambali be tried here, and the earlier notion that Indonesia
\nshould adopt an ISA-type law, as in Malaysia and Singapore. The
\nsentiment over the need for both seemed to have been encouraged
\nby the feeling in government circles that Indonesia wished to be
\nperceived as being more serious than before in combating
\nterrorism.<\/p>\n
Regarding Hambali, the government argued that the Indonesian
\nintelligence services linked Hambali specifically with last
\nOctober's Bali terrorist attack. Indonesia hopes that Hambali
\nwill reveal the extent of links between Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) and
\nthe international terrorist network al-Qaeda, and help
\ninvestigators uncover fully what is behind the Bali bombing and
\nother past bombings in Indonesia, apart from possible future
\nterrorist acts here.<\/p>\n
The government believes that it can claim Hambali from U.S.
\ncustody although it has no extradition treaty with the U.S., as
\nthe U.S. side has at least promised Indonesian investigators
\naccess to Hambali.<\/p>\n
The continued detention of Hambali by the U.S. authorities and
\nthe demand by Indonesia, and some other neighboring countries,
\nfor an independent interrogation of Hambali and, if possible,
\nthat he be brought here for justice, reflect how the fight
\nagainst international terrorism has caused differences in the way
\nJakarta and Washington conduct their antiterror policy.<\/p>\n
The U.S. is likely to maintain its current policy and stance
\non Hambali until it genuinely feels that it has gleaned enough
\ninformation about the linkages between Hambali and other
\nterrorist acts against the U.S., especially the tragedy of
\nSeptember 2001.<\/p>\n
Completion of Hambali's interrogation would not mean that the
\nU.S. would later automatically send him to countries that also
\nhad an interest in him.<\/p>\n
It is rather a "foolish assumption", as stated by our foreign
\nminister Hassan Wirayuda (in the australian.news.com), that the
\nU.S. would reach a point where it did not need Hambali anymore
\nbefore it finally handed him over to Indonesia.<\/p>\n
If Hambali were to be sent to Indonesia, it would rather be
\nmore of a political gesture by the U.S., which might feel the
\nneed to share the prize of its catch with other Southeast Asian
\ncountries affected by terrorist acts suspected to have involved
\nHambali and JI.<\/p>\n
The U.S. is worried that sending Hambali back to the region
\nwould invite a repeat of what happened in the Philippines, when
\nFathur Rohman al-Ghozi managed to escape from detention. The U.S.
\nmay argue that Hambali's arrest was only made possible due to
\nclose cooperation between its Central Intelligence Agency and
\nThailand security authorities.<\/p>\n
The U.S. probably has the strongest claim to put him on trial.
\nHambali was, as U.S. sources stated, among the most sought-after
\nfigures suspected of responsibility in the planning of the Sept.
\n11 attack, including through his involvement in arranging an
\nearly meeting with the airplane hijackers.<\/p>\n
Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand have little choice
\nbut to acquiesce over Hambali's custody by the U.S. The U.S.,
\nhowever, should not monopolize the process of interrogation.<\/p>\n
Hambali's detention should not cause a diplomatic rift between
\nthe U.S. and Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries. We
\nwill see how Indonesia can give its best shot in its diplomacy
\nwith the U.S. in trying to get Hambali back. The appearance of
\nHambali in an Indonesian court, though hopes are dim, would help
\nconvince the public that JI exists here, contrary to the denial
\nof some religious leaders.<\/p>\n
Trying Hambali in Indonesia would also help refute the
\nconspiracy theory that JI is a fabrication of the U.S. and that
\nthe U.S. is behind a string of bombings in the country.<\/p>\n
What is perhaps more important for Indonesia to do now is to
\nbetter coordinate the fight against terrorism and also to
\ninitiate tougher antiterror policies, which may have been
\nunthinkable only a year ago.<\/p>\n
An Indonesian-specific, ISA-type law would perhaps be
\nappropriate to preempt terrorist acts, meaning that the
\ngovernment should be mandated to implement, indiscriminately,
\nstricter antiterror policy. Despite criticism from advocates of
\nhuman rights and democracy, such authority would certainly enable
\nthe security apparatus, including the military and intelligence
\nservices, to quell terrorism.<\/p>\n
Terrorism, after all, is a national security issue and the
\ngovernment and opposing parties must be united in confronting
\nthis real threat. The danger of terrorism is something that we
\ncan no longer underestimate.<\/p>",
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