Cloak and dagger tactics to crack down on terror<\/p>\n
Ray Zulfirman Parsioan Pulungan, Jakarta<\/p>\n
As a senior high school student in Jakarta only a few years
\nbefore the spectacular fall of Soeharto in May 1998, I witnessed
\nthe antics of Indonesians of my age or slightly older who were
\ninvolved in political activism in their own school or as street
\nprotesters.<\/p>\n
The school is located near a housing complex for senior
\nofficers of the Army in South Jakarta. Only a few schoolmates,
\nmany of them the sons and daughters of these servicemen,
\nparticipated in the movement, probably because their parents were
\nalso targeted indirectly by these demonstrations.<\/p>\n
So instead, like teenagers elsewhere in the world at that
\ntime, they indulged in hedonistic pursuits, seeking refuge in
\nmusic, romance, drugs and a sad esprit de corps of male bravado
\nthrough clashing with students from rival high schools.<\/p>\n
A small subset within this narrow-minded insular world was the
\nextracurricular Koran study groups that took place every day in
\nthe school mosque after classes.<\/p>\n
The students in these groups not only recited the Koran with
\nproficiency but also excelled in the daunting fourteen-subject
\ncurriculum. Since I spent most of my childhood abroad, I decided
\nto join these groups to gain a better understanding of Islam and
\nat the same time get up to speed with unfamiliar subjects such as
\ncivics. But perhaps a more practical aim, I also wanted to wait
\nout the routine rock-hurling and sword-swinging brawls as soon as
\nthe school day ended.<\/p>\n
The personal invitation to seek further knowledge of Islam
\noutside this setting came shortly and in hushed tones. A
\nschoolmate one year my senior approached me, offering to unlock a
\nnew way of viewing the world around me -- but God willing, of
\ncourse. We held holding meetings twice a week at his house
\naccompanied by two other schoolmates and a well-groomed, older
\nman who supposedly held the key to our spiritual awakening.<\/p>\n
He spoke fluent English and Arabic, and often recounted his
\ntravels to Los Angeles and Bangkok. For transportation, he
\nswitched regularly between driving a motorcycle and a nearly mint
\ncar. The sharp contrast between his studied elegance and his
\npreaching of a militant brand of Islam sowed suspicion. I began
\nto think that he was some sort of covert agent with the misguided
\nmission of infiltrating a radical student group. Consequently, I
\nrefrained from talking politics.<\/p>\n
But he relished in it. In fact, our meetings broached such
\nworldly affairs as Bosnia-Herzegovina's ethno-religious strife
\nand Soeharto's ethnic Chinese cronies more frequent than, as I
\nhad expected, moralistic narratives about the travails and
\ntriumph of the prophet Muhammad and his cadre of devoted
\nfollowers. This politically charged atmosphere culminated in
\ncalisthenics on an empty field lined with trees located about 30
\nto 45 minutes from south Jakarta. Our well-traveled group leader
\nevidently was also well-fit and wanted us to shape up.<\/p>\n
The purpose, he hinted before our return, was to prepare
\nspiritually, physically and mentally-- as must all Muslims who
\naspire to carry out the will of their maker. Correctly sensing
\nthat the first run at training might have unnerved me, he
\nreminded me, in English no less, that I should not \"rupture the
\nwomb.\"<\/p>\n
That was the last time I attended such a meeting.<\/p>\n
The intention is to point out some gross misconceptions about
\nthe young men (and women) who join these groups. First and
\nforemost, they aren't necessarily recruited from a feeder
\npesantren network. I attended a secular public school while
\nanother friend, who too was exposed to such groups, graduated
\nfrom an elite Roman Catholic school.<\/p>\n
And finally, familial ties to such groups do not appear to be
\nthe main motivation in turning to their teachings. My friend and
\nI are from liberal-minded families. Members of her group and
\nthose in mine mostly came from trading families preoccupied with
\nmaterial concerns. In short, we were drawn by the veneer of an
\nintellectual, moral and social sophistication that these groups
\nseemed to afford.<\/p>\n
So how, then, can the government check the spread of these
\nmultifarious groups? In lieu of a clean answer, I can offer two
\nsuggestions regarding what the government should not do.<\/p>\n
First, it should not single out, especially through formal
\npronouncements, obvious hotbeds of militancy.<\/p>\n
By announcing that the government will monitor a few
\npesantrens, Vice President Jusuf Kalla committed an egregious
\nmistake. Such a policy will only lend itself to the worldview of
\nmilitants and those inclined toward militancy as being victims of
\na depraved state and embolden and hasten their efforts to subvert
\nit. Cracking down on these highly secretive groups requires
\ncloak-and-dagger tactics.<\/p>\n
Second, the government should not think in narrow parameters
\nby concentrating on pesantrens alone, although they're surely the
\nmost visible and vociferous quarters where militancy seems to
\nflourish. Public and private high schools, and increasingly
\njunior high schools as well, in Indonesia's largest cities have
\nbeen serving as recruitment centers for militant groups.<\/p>\n
The appeal is that most students in these schools are better
\noff financially than those in pesantrens, making their induction
\ninto these groups doubly rewarding. The lack of attention to
\nthese important pockets of militant activity is indicative of the
\nmyopia in government policy.<\/p>\n
The writer is now working on a documentary on militant Islam
\nin Indonesia.<\/p>",
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