CIDES laments revival of sectarian politics<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Scholars from the Center for Information and
\nDevelopment Studies (CIDES) regretted what they believed was a
\nreemergence of sectarian politics, as evident in the burgeoning
\nof religious-based parties, because very often their mode of
\npower struggle contravened peaceful and intellectual ways.<\/p>\n
Antara quoted Jumhur Hidayat, the executive director of CIDES
\n-- which is the think-tank of the Association of Indonesian
\nMoslem Intellectuals (ICMI) -- as saying Tuesday how sectarian
\npolitics brought about \"trade of condemnations, accusations, war
\nof posters, shows of force and other campaigns to force one's
\nwill (against others)\".<\/p>\n
Jumhur was speaking at a discussion held for CIDES to expose
\nits analysis of current politics. He was accompanied by his
\ncolleagues Dewi Fortuna Anwar and Indria Samego.<\/p>\n
The rebirth of sectarian politics, Jumhur said, would not ease
\nthe way for reform. \"What's saddest is the reemergence of
\nsectarian politics and the strengthening of extreme interest
\ngroups,\" he said.<\/p>\n
Dewi shared Jumhur's opinion, pointing out that one of the
\ngravest dangers facing nations was not international conflict,
\nbut local ones that tend to escalate and go out of control.<\/p>\n
She described how basically Indonesian politics saw only three
\nplayers who compete with one another. The first was the force of
\nthe nationalists, standing opposite the Moslem force, who are in
\nthemselves divided into two groups: the modernists and the
\ntraditionalists.<\/p>\n
She said \"I don't know the difference between Amien Rais,
\nYusril Ihza Mahendra or Deliar, they're all from the same
\nbackground.\" She was referring to, respectively, the chairmen of
\nthe National Mandate Party (PAN), the Crescent Star Party (PBB)
\nand the Moslem Community Party.<\/p>\n
\"We thought that during the 32 years of New Order government,
\nprimordialism had disappeared and people had found a common
\nplatform,\" she said. \"As it turned out, sectarianism had not been
\nburied, it was only deep-frozen.\"<\/p>\n
\"When the central power (of Soeharto) was gone, those
\nsectarian (groups) were revived. Now sectarian (politics) has
\nresurfaced and this could endanger (the campaign for) a civil
\nsociety and our agenda for reform... the (campaign for) national
\nconsensus.\"<\/p>\n
\"I blame the elder generations who, rather than bring peace
\nand calm, have been inflaming these differences in interests,\"
\nshe said. \"I am afraid these sectarian politics will hamper
\ndemocratization.\"<\/p>\n
Indria said sectarian politics were inseparable from the
\nmaneuverings of various political actors competing for power.
\nThose actors exploited issues such as race and ethnicity in their
\nquest for power.<\/p>\n
ICMI was established in Malang in 1990, and soon enjoyed the
\nsupport of many officials under Soeharto's New Order regime. B.J.
\nHabibie was the first chairman of the organization which, at one
\nstage, was considered to be influential in the recruitment of its
\nsupporters to Soeharto's cabinets.<\/p>\n
Habibie was replaced by Achmad Tirtosudiro -- also deputy
\nchairman of the presidential Supreme Advisory Council -- after he
\nbecame Soeharto's vice president earlier this year.<\/p>\n
Blank check<\/p>\n
In another part of her explanation, Dewi -- who is also
\nHabibie's spokeswoman -- restated the importance of tempering the
\npublic's euphoria over their success in bringing about reform
\nwith a healthy dose of reality. She warned that optimism was
\nneeded, but a realistic stance was also important.<\/p>\n
She pointed out there was no guarantee that the agenda for
\nreform that the nation has agreed to (the November special
\nsession of the People's Consultative Assembly, the 1999 general
\nelections and the presidential poll) would proceed smoothly, and
\nthat the road toward those goals were fraught with danger.<\/p>\n
\"Don't take this democratic transition for granted,\" she said.<\/p>\n
She pointed out how in 1966, public groups such as Moslems and
\nstudents who fought to topple president Sukarno's Old Order
\nregime had given Soeharto and the Armed Forces a blank check to
\ndo what they willed with the country.<\/p>\n
She also cited how it took Soeharto's government five years to
\nhold the first general elections in 1971. By that time, she
\nargued, the power elite had become well entrenched.<\/p>\n
Fortunately, she said, \"now people realize that this
\ntransition period should not last for too long. Within the
\nshortest possible and feasible time, we should hold the general
\nelections\".<\/p>\n
She cautioned, however, against being too hasty and holding
\nthe poll amid a shaky political situation. She pointed out that
\nthe push for reform was unfortunately being made when the nation
\nwas also struggling to build economic reform.<\/p>\n
The push for political reform was actually an opposing force
\nto the campaign for economic reform; the first was accompanied by
\nuncertainty while the second required stability.<\/p>\n
This was why certain groups, such as business people, tried to
\nhalt the campaign for political reform, she said.<\/p>\n
She denied the suggestion that Habibie himself was among those
\nwho campaigned against reform, pointing out that he was the first
\npresident to ever visit the House of Representatives for
\nconsultation and to establish the agenda for reform together.
\n(swe)<\/p>",
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