China takes lead in pushing Asian security dialog<\/p>\n
Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok<\/p>\n
Of late, China has adopted a proactive role in shaping the
\nfuture security and strategic outlook of Asia, a far cry from the
\npassivity of yesteryear. Beijing hopes this new multilateral
\napproach will enhance peace and stability in the region as well
\nas increase its overall strategic leverage.<\/p>\n
These objectives will become clear when China hosts the first
\nASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) Security Policy Conference (SPC) later
\nthis year.<\/p>\n
The ARF SPC, as it is known, is a Chinese brainchild aimed at
\nstrengthening the security dialogue in Asia at the official
\nlevel. This inaugural meeting will be held in Beijing and
\nattended by deputy defense ministry officials from 24 ARF
\nmembers.<\/p>\n
After the first meeting, subsequent ARF SPC meetings will be
\nheld back to back with ARF senior official meetings. Among non-
\nWestern ARF members, hopes are high that this new forum will
\nenable top defense officials to share their common views and
\nconcerns, particularly on security and strategic matters.<\/p>\n
Indeed, after 10 years of existence, the ARF still spends most
\nof the time talking.<\/p>\n
Some ARF members have become so jaded by the lethargy of the
\nARF's procedure-oriented approach that they have encouraged their
\nsecurity officials and experts to take part in other regional
\nsecurity dialogues such as the Asian Security Conference --
\ndubbed the Shangri-la Dialogue. This conference is organized by
\nthe International Institute for Strategic Studies in London and
\nthe Institute of Strategic and Defense Studies in Singapore.<\/p>\n
When it started three years ago, it was touted as \"the real\"
\nregional security forum because of the attendance of military top
\nbrass from the Asia-Pacific region. U.S. Defense Secretary Donald
\nRumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, were among previous
\nguest speakers.<\/p>\n
China sent a high-level delegation to attend the first meeting
\nbut its representatives have been gradually downgraded.<\/p>\n
China's growing recalcitrance was partly due to prevailing
\nviews, particularly by a preponderance of Western-led security
\nthink-tanks, held towards China's strategic outlook.<\/p>\n
For decades, Chinese leaders have been responding to security
\nimperatives initiated by the West. As a passive participant,
\nChina would normally react to Western overtures.<\/p>\n
After the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks in the U.S., China
\nrealized that it had to take the bull by the horns and engage
\nwith the international community, near and far.<\/p>\n
Beijing is assisting Washington in the renewed six-party talks
\non the North Korean nuclear crisis. This \"offensive\" maneuver
\nwould allow Beijing to deposit its views and interest more
\neffectively.<\/p>\n
Indeed, China perceives the ARF SPC as a \"track one\" platform
\nfor the ARF defense and security ministers. Over time, Beijing
\nhopes it could further develop, along with the annual ARF, into a
\ngenuine Asian security forum.<\/p>\n
Beijing's latest approach demonstrated the new found
\nenthusiasm on the part of the Chinese defense and security
\napparatus. Obviously, China would like to be in a position to
\nshape and provide inputs as well influence in the future security
\nconfiguration.<\/p>\n
China has been one of the founders of the Shanghai Cooperation
\nOrganization. With the ARF SPC, Beijing will be able to shape and
\nset agenda for future ARF security cooperation.<\/p>\n
That China is a key to any security dialogue in Asia was
\nacknowledged a long time ago. Last year, when China proposed that
\nthe ARF defense officials should sit down and discuss issues of
\ncommon concerns and cooperation, the ARF members, especially the
\nU.S., agreed right away. In fact, they were quite positive
\ntowards China's initiative.<\/p>\n
It is interesting to note that when the senior officials
\nagreed to set up the ARF in Singapore in 1993, one year before
\nthe ARF was officially launched in Bangkok, they concurred
\nunanimously that China's ARF membership was indispensable, albeit
\nthat Beijing was not yet a dialogue partner of ASEAN. China first
\nattended the ASEAN meeting in Kuala Lumpur in 1991 as guest of
\nthe host, Malaysia.<\/p>\n
China's focus on multilateral security dialogue has twin
\ncharacters. First, it is anchored with ASEAN's conservative
\nglobal security outlook. For the time being, China and ASEAN
\nidentify with one another at the ARF. For example, they want the
\nARF to proceed at a snail's pace -- a long-term security
\ninsurance of sorts -- and stick to the confidence-building
\nmeasures for the time being.<\/p>\n
Other members prefer the ARF to proceed faster to a more
\ntangible security cooperation, especially towards preventive
\ndiplomacy.<\/p>\n
When ASEAN proposed that an ARF unit should be set up at the
\nJakarta-based secretariat, China supported the initiative
\nimmediately. However, other countries, including Japan, would
\nlike to see a separate ARF unit established independently from
\nthe ASEAN Secretariat.<\/p>\n
At this juncture, nobody knows if the China-ASEAN convergence
\nof strategic interests can be sustained over time, especially
\nagainst the backdrop of a strong U.S. presence.<\/p>\n
Second, it is China's long-standing attempt to draw a
\nparameter of its security and strategic interest in Asia. This is
\nsomething new. For the first time China will try to take the lead
\nin discussing security matters in the region, beyond the
\nbilateral defense discussion and cooperation. Since 1998, China
\nhas signed a comprehensive cooperation agreement with all
\nindividual ASEAN members.<\/p>\n
Within Asia, China will maintain strategic edge over other
\npowers because it has the trust of ASEAN. Beijing's key strategic
\nconcept of self-reliance augurs well with the grouping.<\/p>",
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