Changes in Golkar's makeup are only skin-deep<\/p>\n
Golkar may have picked a new leader at its congress over the
\nweekend, but political analyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono believes
\nthe New Order's former electoral machine has failed to reform
\nitself.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The ruling Golkar political grouping has just
\nended its extraordinary congress, with a newly elected chairman,
\nAkbar Tandjung, who is concurrently state minister\/secretary in
\nthe Habibie Cabinet.<\/p>\n
The congress is normally convened in October. However, it was
\nheld earlier apparently in anticipation of the special session of
\nthe People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) scheduled in December.
\nIt seems to have been intended as an effort at internal
\nconsolidation. Just what kind of consolidation, or perhaps more
\naccurately, whose consolidation and for what intent remains open
\nto question.<\/p>\n
In a previous contribution to this column, I argued that
\nbecause it is the MPR, the supreme governing body of the
\nIndonesian political system that has the power to implement total
\nreform of the whole system, reform must begin with the political
\nparties, particularly Golkar as the so-called ruling \"party\". The
\nessence of that reform would be to make the party independent
\nfrom any government interference.<\/p>\n
That Golkar, though considered the largest and the most
\ninfluential, has been the least independent of all the existing
\npolitical groups is shown by the fact it is ruled not by its
\nnational board led by its chairman, but by its board of patrons,
\nparticularly its chairman, Soeharto. The board of patrons is
\nvested with veto power in all matters of policy.<\/p>\n
Now that Soeharto is no longer president it is unclear who is
\ncalling the shots -- Habibie has replaced Soeharto as president
\nwhile retaining his position as executive chairman of the board
\nof patrons. The appointment of new members of the MPR, mostly
\nfriends of Habibie under the umbrella of the Indonesian Moslem
\nIntellectuals Association, seems to indicate Habibie is getting
\nthe upper hand.<\/p>\n
In the meantime, there is no report the board of patrons has
\nbeen abolished, although an advisory board is reportedly soon to
\nbe established following the extraordinary congress. Whether the
\nnew body will be equally powerful as the board of patrons remains
\nto be seen.<\/p>\n
Following his election as chairman, Akbar Tandjung said that
\nhe should first consult Habibie on whether to resign from his
\npowerful and influential ministerial post. Later on, he was
\nreported as having prepared a deputy state\/secretary.<\/p>\n
Either way, the independence of the newly revamped national
\nboard of Golkar will remain questionable. And given the
\ndissolution of the board of patrons, his continued post as
\nstate\/secretary would make him in his capacity as Golkar
\nchairman, and thus the entire body of Golkar, dependent on the
\nwhim and wishes of President Habibie. I doubt it would be the
\nother way round.<\/p>\n
What appears to be the only thing new, which may be in a sense
\nseen as a measure of reform, is that this time around the
\nchairman has been elected through a vote in competition with
\nother candidates.<\/p>\n
Still, there were rumors that the assistant to the Armed
\nForces (ABRI) chief of sociopolitical affairs, Maj. Gen.
\nMardiyanto, upon instruction of Armed Forces Commander Gen.
\nWiranto, had telephoned regional military commanders to
\ninfluence Golkar's chapters nationwide to vote for Akbar.<\/p>\n
It was also rumored that Gen. Wiranto, who is concurrently the
\nminister of defense, had met with chairmen of 17 Golkar regional
\nchapters at Hotel Shangri-La in Central Jakarta to discuss the
\nelection of the Golkar chairman. Such rumors may rightly arouse
\ndoubts, suspicions and speculation regarding the independence of
\nGolkar from government interference or from ABRI.<\/p>\n
Akbar Tandjung also said that Golkar was ready to engage
\nitself in free competition with other political parties in the
\nnext general election.<\/p>\n
Such competition, however, would remain unfairly weighted in
\nfavor of Golkar unless the present law on elections is replaced
\nby a new one providing equal opportunity for all parties
\ncontesting the election.<\/p>\n
So far, Golkar has been allowed to have its representation
\ndown to the village level, something denied to the other
\npolitical parties. Golkar exploits what it terms the \"floating
\nmass\" and government apparatus at all levels to support its
\ngoals.<\/p>\n
Deprived of all these, Golkar now finds some organizations,
\nsuch as the Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (KORPRI), Indonesian
\nTeachers Union (PGRI) and the MKGR mass organization, have
\ndeclared their independence explicitly or otherwise (Kosgoro,
\nanother organization of cooperatives, has reportedly distanced
\nitself from Golkar, and workers' union SOKSI is likely to
\nreconsider its relations with Golkar. One is left wondering who
\nGolkar really represents at present.<\/p>\n
And one does not easily forget that Golkar, more than any
\nother single political party or mass organization, has been more
\nclosely related to and in large measure responsible for all the
\nevils of the New Order regime ultimately triggered the nationwide
\ndemand for total reform.<\/p>\n
Finally, Akbar Tandjung said that Golkar was now ready to
\nbecome a political party. This is interesting in that Golkar has
\nnow decided to abandon its hypocrisy, yet still through
\nhypocritical means rather than by honestly admitting that Golkar
\nhas been a political party all along, at least since the so-
\ncalled kinos -- kinds of caucuses representing organizations
\naffiliated to Golkar -- were supposed to cease to exist.<\/p>\n
Since then, membership in Golkar has been through applications
\nby individuals who are not necessarily workers or employees.<\/p>\n
Indeed, Golkar has not really gone through a metamorphosis. It
\nhas not really changed its identity as the ruler's party rather
\nthan the ruling party. Its reform is cosmetic. Its program makes
\nno mention of specifics.<\/p>\n
Total reform would demand the dismantling of the entire system
\nof the New Order if we really want to have a new, democratic
\nIndonesia based on equality, justice for all and respect for
\nhuman rights.<\/p>",
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