Challenges facing interreligious dialogs<\/p>\n
By B.S. Mardiatmadja<\/p>\n
This is the second of two articles from an excerpt of a paper
\nto be delivered next week at a seminar in Oegstgeest, the
\nNetherlands on Religious Plurality and Nationalism in Indonesia.
\nThe seminar is organized by the Netherlands chapter of the
\nAssociation of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Interreligious dialog can be compared to self-
\nhelp groups that have therapeutic intentions. In such a dialog,
\nwe mostly encounter very different motives and centuries of
\nsanctioned ways of life which need to be explained.<\/p>\n
Here, claims of truth do not stand next to different claims of
\ntruth, but life-witnessing next to life-witnessing. Therein lies
\nthe dignity and also the challenge of all honest dialog.<\/p>\n
Truthfulness in dialog also means not denying the differences
\nthat exist but openly confessing them. Whoever actively
\nparticipates in a dialog knows that there are conflicts and
\npainful experiences. And despite all honest efforts, alienation
\noften remains and further understanding can appear impossible.<\/p>\n
Interreligious dialog is a highly complex enterprise for which
\nidealizing theories are not adequate. It is not always possible
\nto simplify this complexity. And the most complex in this
\nquestion is on a political level.<\/p>\n
The present Indonesian political situation is very much
\nstigmatized by the bad economic situation. Both politics and
\neconomics are symbolized by one word: credit. No economy is able
\nto live without credit. No politics can live without credibility.
\nNo economy and politics exist without dialog and negotiations.<\/p>\n
Curious enough, no dialog is also possible without
\ncredibility. We have a real crisis of credibility in Indonesia in
\nnearly all aspects of life.<\/p>\n
But it is difficult not to admit that the absence of
\ncredibility is also the result of our own politics for the past
\n30 years. We put nearly our whole human investment in economics.
\nPeople are regarded only as resources to economics.<\/p>\n
Humans are untergeordnet to economics. We believe in one
\nanother as a nation only when our economy grows. Macroeconomic
\ngrowth is our main criteria for welfare. Economic prosperity is
\nour actual master. We believe in credit, not people. We are, in
\nfact, very accustomed to distrust, mistrust and suspicion. We
\nmake ourselves suspicious of one another.<\/p>\n
We also cultivate suspicion within groups in Indonesian
\ncultural, religious, political and professional groups.<\/p>\n
Not only some elements in the government practice divide et
\nimpera (divide and rule) through disseminating suspicions, but
\nalso many intellectuals and religious leaders let themselves \"to
\nbe divided and to be held captive by economics and politics.\"<\/p>\n
To remove that suspicion from among us, we should find common
\nconstitutional principles, to be able to sit together and to
\ndiscuss our common concern and future.<\/p>\n
Those principles should give the whole nation a vision. The
\nfounding fathers of this republic have agreed on building the
\nnation's future within a unitary state not based on religion but
\non the state ideology Pancasila.<\/p>\n
The republic acknowledges religion as a value enliven by each
\ncitizen in this country and which may well motivate him or her to
\nparticipate fully in societal affairs. But religion does not
\nfunction explicitly as a consideration in an authoritative state
\nruling on measures to be taken as state measures.<\/p>\n
If we multiply efforts in making state decisions on the laws
\nof any one religion, we would multiply the opportunities of
\ndividing our people into thousands of sects.<\/p>\n
Because the state as a state cannot guarantee that there will
\nonly be one valid interpretation of religious law, it would mean
\ndiscrimination toward those who adhere to other religions.<\/p>\n
We should return to the basic principle: Indonesia does not
\nfind its state decisions on the laws of any one religion; it does
\nnot show indifference but rather expresses a positive attitude
\ntoward religion.<\/p>\n
The state guarantees freedom of religion and freedom of
\nchoosing religion. The House of Representatives functions to
\nprovide clear regulations on the role of religion in state
\naffairs: with reverence on the one hand, and on the other hand,
\nwithout steering our nation to degenerate into a religions state,
\nin which its decisions would be based explicitly on the
\nconstitutions of one state religion.<\/p>\n
In this respect, the government should only offer service and
\naid in order to guarantee the safety and security of exercising
\nthe people's right to worship.<\/p>\n
The role of religions in Indonesia should be as the conscience
\neducator to promote the dignity of people as the One God's
\ncreatures.<\/p>\n
It is the task of religion to keep perspective alive in terms
\nof ultimacy and transcendence and keep challenging the limited
\nautonomies of other social institutions, just as other
\ninstitutions will keep challenging religion so that it does not
\nbecome alienating and otherworldly.<\/p>\n
Coexistence of religions, not merely as private belief systems
\nbut as having a public role in society, becomes possible only on
\nthe following conditions:<\/p>\n
* every religion -- a community of believers -- is able to
\nmake room for other believers -- other religions -- not merely in
\nthe sense of their being tolerated as second-class citizens, but
\naccepted as full and equal participants;<\/p>\n
* every religion is able to distinguish between its faith
\nconvictions and moral consequences;<\/p>\n
* a certain consensus regarding moral imperatives for personal
\nand social behavior can be arrived at by people who believe
\ndifferently.<\/p>\n
In a multireligious community, therefore, every religious
\ngroup is rooted in its own faith; it accepts other such groups as
\nlegitimate; and it is open to dialog with them in view of a
\ncommon commitment to build up the pluralistic community.<\/p>\n
The legitimacy that I ask to be accorded is not primarily to
\nanother religion but to another believer. The Indonesian people
\nhave given themselves a Constitution, based on the fundamental
\nrights and liberties of the human being, and are committed to a
\nnational community guaranteeing freedom, equality, fraternity and
\njustice to all its citizens.<\/p>\n
Therefore, we are faced with the challenge of collaborating in
\nthe building up of the national community, so that our religions
\ncan be positive and constructive and not decisive forces.<\/p>\n
It is in our common commitment to a fuller life for the whole
\nof humanity that we would discover our community and
\ncomplementarity.<\/p>\n
What are the ways of promoting a profitable interreligious
\nencounter?<\/p>\n
First, we must strive to promote an experiential awareness of
\none's own religious identity. We should be aware of our strengths
\nas well as our limitations.<\/p>\n
Second, we must be really committed to a national human
\ncommunity, based on the freedom and dignity of people and
\npromoting equality, fellowship and justice for all. We must see
\nthe role of religions, not as divisive, but contributing in
\ndialog with each other, a common human, moral and spiritual
\nfoundation to public life.<\/p>\n
Third, an interreligious community is built up by living and
\nacting as one, not just by talking. Theological discussions and
\nsharing of spiritual experiences have a role but only as elements
\nof common projects to promote freedom, fellowship, equality and
\njustice.<\/p>\n
It must be primarily a dialog of \"me\". One could say that it
\nmust be circular: from a dialog of life to that of spiritual
\nexperiences, back to a dialog of life to be tested in the
\ncrucible of praxis. It is our common duty.<\/p>\n
The writer is a Catholic priest and lecturer on philosophy at
\nthe STF Driyarkara, Jakarta.<\/p>",
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