Can Yudhoyono use his big
\nwin to change Indonesia?<\/p>\n
Karim Raslan
\nThe Straits Times
\nAsia News Network
\nSingapore<\/p>\n
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has won a staggering personal
\nmandate. The 55-year-old former general from the small town of
\nPacitan in East Java has undergone an extraordinarily grueling
\npolitical baptism -- almost unprecedented within Asia -- to
\nemerge as Indonesia's sixth president.<\/p>\n
This robust democratic process and Susilo's successful
\nhandling of its various (and often messy) challenges will enhance
\nhis reputation globally. Moreover, his achievement as the
\nincoming leader of the world's largest Muslim nation will
\nunderline the fact that Islam and democracy are not mutually
\nexclusive ideas.<\/p>\n
Susilo had to face countless high-profile and feisty live TV
\ndebates and tough newspaper interviews with Indonesia's
\nincreasingly independent media. After eight months of intensive
\nnational campaigning and three grueling electoral contests, his
\nlegitimacy is therefore hard-earned and rock-solid.<\/p>\n
At the same time, his popularity is genuine and nation-wide --
\nnotwithstanding attempts to blacken his reputation as a racist
\nIslamicist on the one hand and a pro-American toady on the other.<\/p>\n
Similarly, objections to his military background have also
\nbeen overcome through a combination of his quintessentially
\nJavanese and understated personal style and his willingness to
\nsubject himself to public scrutiny. However, anti-military
\nfeelings run deep and many observers will be watching the
\nPresident-elect's ties with the military very closely.<\/p>\n
Still, the surprising margin of victory -- he led the
\nincumbent Megawati Soekarnoputri by well over 20 percent of the
\npopular vote -- means he will now be in the position to redraw
\nIndonesia's political landscape.<\/p>\n
Certainly, Susilo will want to win over the legislature, given
\nthat his own Democrat Party holds no more than 7 percent of the
\nseats. In this respect, the newly-introduced direct presidential
\npolls have undermined the power of traditional political elites
\n(exemplified by the morally compromised Akbar Tanjung, leader of
\nthe Golkar party) with their culture of backroom deal-making.<\/p>\n
Both Susilo and his deputy Jusuf Kalla will seek to co-opt
\nallies from, and build bridges with, the two largest parties,
\nGolkar party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
\n(PDI-P). Together, the two parties control 307 of the 550 seats
\nin the legislature.<\/p>\n
The incoming President will also enjoy a remarkable degree of
\nflexibility as he selects his Cabinet. As a former security
\nminister in Megawati's administration, he understands the need to
\nset out a clear direction, both in terms of policy and ethical
\nbehavior.<\/p>\n
Moreover, Susilo's breadth of experience and his attention to
\ndetail will mean he will want to involve himself with policy-
\nmaking and implementation in a manner quite unlike any other
\nIndonesian president. This could cause a logjam if Susilo proves
\nunable to delegate effectively.<\/p>\n
Susilo will focus his attention on the economy, drumming up
\nforeign direct investment, tackling law and order, addressing the
\nstrife in Aceh, improving Indonesia's competitiveness, reforming
\nthe country's fiendishly expensive kerosene subsidies and
\nfocusing the security apparatus on the terrorist threat.<\/p>\n
His offensive against extremist networks will cause concern
\namongst the country's many human rights activists, but their
\ncriticisms will be drowned out by the approval he receives from a
\npopulation weary of terrorist attacks on Indonesian soil.<\/p>\n
There is no doubt he will want to include a number of
\nindependent professional figures in his Cabinet -- people with
\nreal credibility and integrity. In so doing, he will be able to
\nsignal the seriousness of his administration to both domestic and
\ninternational audiences.<\/p>\n
Ideally, these figures should be non-partisan and respected by
\nthe business community. This means that Megawati's economic czar,
\nBoediono, may well be retained. However, it is possible that
\neconomists such as the International Monetary Fund's Southeast
\nAsia executive director Sri Mulyani Indrawati and think-tanker
\nMari Pangestu may end up playing important roles, as could lawyer
\nTodung Mulya Lubis.<\/p>\n
Other names being bandied around are the human rights'
\nactivist Marsillam Simanjuntak and educationist Azyurmadi Azra.<\/p>\n
The campaigning has also showed incoming Vice-President Jusuf
\nKalla's limitations. His straight-dealing manner and pro-pribumi
\nrhetoric caused a minor crisis within Susilo's team just before
\nthe final run-off as prominent ethnic Chinese figures moved away
\nfrom the former general. Susilo will now seek to limit Jusuf's
\nrole and assert his authority in economic matters once again.<\/p>\n
The professionals will be matched by Susilo's inner circle of
\nadvisers -- people such as Rachmat Witoelar, an experienced
\npolitical hand (he was a former secretary-general of Golkar), and
\neconomist Joyo Winoto. They will be used to balance the prominent
\nrole played by former military officers in Susilo's team.<\/p>\n
At the same time, Susilo will have to accommodate some of the
\npolitical parties that supported his candidacy. In this, he will
\nwant to be circumspect, since much of this political support
\nemanates from the more conservative Islamic parties, such as
\nCrescent Star Party (PBB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).<\/p>\n
Finally, Indonesia's gains in terms of civil liberties must
\nnow be matched by socio-economic "deliverables". If Southeast
\nAsia wants to see a real boost in the region's performance,
\nSusilo will need to deliver on his promises of good governance.<\/p>\n
The writer is a Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer and columnist.<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/can-yudhoyono-use-his-big-1447899208", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }