Can RI take ASEAN leading role?<\/p>\n
Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok<\/p>\n
President Bambang Susilo Yudhoyono leads Indonesia, but will
\nhe also take a leading role in ASEAN in the years to come?
\nAlthough he has not yet announced his Cabinet, all diplomatic
\nindications suggest that Indonesia will become more assertive in
\nregional and international affairs under his leadership.<\/p>\n
Interestingly, many Asian countries would like to see a more
\nactive Indonesia, especially after its much-hailed free
\npresidential election last month. As the world's largest Muslim
\nnation and third-largest democracy, the country is rightly
\nconsidered a heavyweight. Its views and positions must be treated
\nwith seriousness.<\/p>\n
Indonesia was the previous chair of ASEAN and the host of last
\nyear's summit in Bali. However, it failed to live up to
\nexpectations that it would push for a more open and accountable
\nASEAN. Consequently, a much scaled-down version of the ASEAN
\nsecurity community, which is supposed to serve as a template for
\nfuture ASEAN common security actions, was accepted in place of
\nsomething more ambitious. The question is now whether the action
\nplans for the ASEAN Security Community that Indonesia drafted
\nwill be approved by the ASEAN leaders at their summit next month
\nin Vientiane or whether these plans will be further amended.<\/p>\n
In them, Jakarta urges a more liberal vision for the grouping,
\none that pays attention to democracy and human rights in the
\nregion. As far as the leadership is concerned, Susilo expects to
\nfare better than his predecessor, Megawati Soekarnoputri, when it
\ncomes to summits.<\/p>\n
Beyond the immediate region, China was quick to recognize
\nIndonesia's eminent position in ASEAN and has invited the country
\nto chair the first defense and security conference that will be
\npart of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)'s intersessional meeting
\nin Beijing on Nov. 4. ARF representatives at the vice defense-
\nministerial level will attend this important meeting, which will
\nhighlight China's role in security.<\/p>\n
Gone are the days when China shied away from debating regional
\nsecurity matters. Now Beijing has a global strategy that has
\nblossomed naturally alongside its growing economic and political
\nclout. With confidence, it is now seizing the bull by the horns.<\/p>\n
By asking Indonesia to chair the Beijing meeting, China is
\npre-empting deep-rooted concerns among Indonesian policy-makers
\nthat Beijing is moving too fast to consolidate its position in
\nSoutheast Asia, which could be perceived as a possible threat.
\nAfter all, the history of Indonesian-Chinese relations still very
\nmuch dominates the dynamics of diplomacy between the two
\ncountries.<\/p>\n
After the acknowledgement that China had a market economy by
\nthe ASEAN-plus-three economic ministerial meeting last month in
\nJakarta, Beijing proposed a feasibility study for an East Asian
\nFree Trade Area. The report will be ready for the Vientiane
\nsummit.<\/p>\n
When it comes to the future of East Asian cooperation,
\nIndonesia is in two minds about the inaugural East Asian Summit
\n(EAS) planned for later next year in Kuala Lumpur. The summit
\nneeds to be endorsed by the grouping's leaders before it can move
\nahead. Jakarta wants to make sure that the summit is a one-off
\nevent even though China has already agreed to host a second
\nsummit.<\/p>\n
In April, when China hosted the ASEAN-plus-three directors-
\ngeneral meeting, it offered to host the first EAS, much to the
\nchagrin of Malaysia. The issue was later settled during a visit
\nby Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to China in
\nJune.<\/p>\n
In more ways than one, Indonesia's behavior reflects the
\nnation's ongoing anxiety over the role of China and the level of
\ncomfort between ASEAN and China. The two sides have made a great
\nstrides in their friendship in the past five years, a period in
\nwhich Indonesia has been preoccupied with domestic issues. Now it
\nwants to contribute more to overall scheme of things in the
\nregion.<\/p>\n
Indonesia only resumed diplomatic ties with China in 1990.
\nChina is now increasing pressure on ASEAN to come clean on its
\none-China policy and has already seen some success with
\nSingapore. But a recent trip to Taiwan by a key Indonesian
\nminister did not solicit any response from Beijing.<\/p>\n
As a country that has long been associated with having an
\nindependent and non-aligned foreign policy, Indonesia prefers an
\nASEAN that is friendly to all its dialogue partners. Accordingly,
\nJakarta feels that the proposed East Asian Summit, coming as fast
\nas it is now, could send the wrong signal to the grouping's
\nWestern friends. Within the region, these countries, the U.S. in
\nparticular, view Indonesia as a countervailing force to China.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, the EAS is one of the long-term plans of the
\nASEAN-plus-three process. For the time being, Indonesia wants to
\nprioritize integration between ASEAN members and the realization
\nof a true ASEAN community.<\/p>\n
It is interesting to note that despite ASEAN's polite refusal
\nto accept China's request to join the Southeast Asian Nuclear
\nWeapons-Free Zone, the grouping is working hard to maintain the
\nlevel of amity needed to engage China.<\/p>\n
At the forthcoming summit in Vientiane, China and ASEAN will
\nsign an action plan to ensure that there is a proper framework in
\nplace to pave the way for a strategic partnership between ASEAN
\nand China. Last December, during the ASEAN-Japan summit, a more
\ncomprehensive action plan covering 120 projects was signed
\nbetween the two sides.<\/p>\n
The region will soon be able to gauge how far Indonesia is
\nwilling to engage ASEAN and beyond. It will also find out whether
\nthe country has what it takes to lead ASEAN, a quality that is
\nnow commonly associated with the dictatorial former president
\nSoeharto.<\/p>",
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