Bugaboos of the reform movement<\/p>\n
By Usadi Wiryatnaya<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): To the idealist, a genuine democratic system of
\ngovernment means unyielding commitment to the empowerment of the
\npeople, law enforcement and human rights implementation. Void of
\nthis basic commitment, it deserves neither regard nor
\nrecognition.<\/p>\n
The far-flung cry of reform, voiced by intellectuals and pro-
\ndemocratic politicians enjoying substantial support from the
\nstudents, physical as well as moral, has successfully toppled the
\nNew Order government only a couple of months after Soeharto's
\nhighly ceremonial reinstallation of his seventh presidential
\noffice.<\/p>\n
This historic event has dumbfounded many, as the then ruling
\nelite's feat of strength was propped up by a powerful triumvirate
\nof ABG (Armed Forces, Bureaucrats, and Group of Functionaries),
\ndesigned to create an unchallenged Single Majority on which the
\ndevelopment task and goals were construed to stake.<\/p>\n
Before the reform movement, only a small number of people were
\nable to predict the impending fate of the corrupt regime: The
\narrogant power-based and KKN-supported regime was soon to
\ncrumble! (KKN is an acronym for Korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme,
\ncorruption, collusion and nepotism). In this case, Arief Budiman
\nseems to be an exception. A month or so before his departure to
\nAustralia for his new academic appointment, Arief divulged his
\nprediction on the approaching crucial change of great momentum
\nwhich was to take place in this country. He convincingly asserted
\nthat \"kondisi politik kita sudah mencapai tahap hamil tua\"
\nmeaning \"our political condition has reached the advanced stage
\nof pregnancy\".<\/p>\n
At present, it is a broadly-known fact that the reformist
\naspirations and perspiration have not come to nought.
\nAdministrative transparency, counter-KKN measures, a number of
\nlong-yearned for freedoms (political, academic, association,
\nstating criticism in public, art performances, etc.), are
\ntestimony to the reformist dream which has come true.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, do these all go to prove that the reform has
\nachieved all of its goals completely and spotlessly? If you take
\nthe whole as a starting point, then you have to answer
\nnegatively. Never does reform beget pure blessings only.
\nIrritants always appear, either as unexpected accompanying
\nsymptoms, or as resurgence of old, latent cultural residuals.<\/p>\n
The first notice of this disheartening fact is disclosed by
\nKwik Kian Gie, a noted, critical-minded economist, who has
\nstruggled hand in hand with the female political figure Megawati.
\nHis deep concern for the worsening state of affairs, which leads
\nto political instability and economic doom, has rendered him
\ncynical if not pessimistic. To him, the newly celebrated
\ndemocratic atmosphere is not a blessing in all respects. \"A
\ndemocracy is good for mature people, but even our intellectuals
\nare not mature -- they are opportunists\" (Newsweek, June 8,
\n1998). Kwik is likely hinting at the mass rampage, responsible
\nfor the vast plundering and devastation of department stores,
\nbanking structures and public service buildings.<\/p>\n
The next worrisome fact is detected by Syamsuddin Harris, a
\nresearch hand for the Indonesian Institute of Sciences. The
\nactual predicament, threatening the political foundation and
\nmechanism, is the fact that collectively the nation is in a
\nquandary and therefore stops at each crossroads. Even the present
\ntransitional government is suffering from the same symptoms: lack
\nof confidence and inconsistency with regard to programming and
\nplanning (Detektif & Romantika, June 13, 1998).<\/p>\n
The third matter is highlighted by Bintang Pamungkas' remarks
\non the East Timor's status. As always, this plucky, outspoken
\nfigure, launches his controversial issues quite unexpectedly. In
\nhis opinion, which is undoubtedly based on the idealist view of
\ndemocracy, East Timor does not belong to the Republic. He seems
\nto state that the rights of ethnic minorities -- including the
\nright to self-rule -- should be protected. Of course, this idea
\ndoes not find broad social acceptance among the majority of the
\npopulation who are at the same time also pro-integration.
\nPamungkas will possibly say that the political will agreed to and
\nentered into by the then existing parties, excepting Fretilin,
\nwhich resulted in the integration is morally and legally
\nuntenable. Such a political decision of paramount importance and
\nfar-reaching consequence should not have been taken by means of a
\njoint declaration of the allegedly pro-integration parties, but
\ninstead should have proceed the way of referendum under the
\nUnited Nation's monitoring apparatuses. Of course, this issue is
\na special irritation for the stiff-necked pro-integrationists.<\/p>\n
Usadi Wiryatnaya, an observer of sociopolitical affairs,
\nliving in Denpasar, Bali.<\/p>",
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