Part 2 of 2: How to make Asia-Pacific peaceful<\/p>\n
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security,
\nJakarta<\/p>\n
How do we develop mechanisms for peace which cater to the
\nunique conditions of the Asia-Pacific region?<\/p>\n
This question will continue to be relevant, precisely because
\nwe continue to have flashpoints in the Asia Pacific region: In
\nthe South China Sea, in the Korean Peninsula, across the Taiwan
\nstraits, in Kashmir. Each of these conflict situations is unique
\nand require its own remedy for resolution.<\/p>\n
On the Korean Peninsula, for instance, we all have a stake in
\na nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. The introduction of nuclear
\nweapons by any party will severely upset the strategic equation,
\nand would set off a chain reaction of security measures by
\nothers, which will be a nightmare for the region. We all welcome
\nthe fresh initiative to hold the 6-party talks in Beijing. We
\nhope that the 6-party mechanism will be a continuing process, and
\nthe indications is that it will. It is necessary to avoid any
\nbrinkmanship which can destabilize the situation any further.<\/p>\n
Indeed, we have plenty of tools to achieve a more peaceful and
\nstable environment in the Asia-Pacific. ASEAN, ASEAN Regional
\nForum, ASEAN plus 3, APEC, Shanghai Cooperation Organization,
\ncoupled with a rich network of bilateral and trilateral
\ncooperation and a number of conflict management mechanisms, have
\nbecome important building blocks for regional security.
\nSignificantly, this year in Bali, ASEAN leaders expressed their
\ncommitment to establish an ASEAN community by 2020 which
\ncomprises a Security Community, Economic Community and Socio-
\nCultural Community.<\/p>\n
The question is: How do we evolve all these mechanisms for
\npeace and networks of cooperation in ways that can lead us one
\nday to a viable \"security community\" in the larger Asia-Pacific
\nregion. Given the political landscape and flashpoints in our
\nregion, this will be no easy feat, and will require a great deal
\nof political will, diplomatic finesse and, above all, patience.<\/p>\n
Finally, how do we contain the virus of extremism, ethnic
\nconflict and ethno-nationalism ?<\/p>\n
The security -- and in certain cases, survival -- of many
\nstates in our region depends on their ability to ward off the
\nthreats posed by extremism, ethnic conflicts and ethno-
\nnationalism. And do not underestimate the problem. Remember: The
\nmighty Soviet Union and Yugoslavia crumbled not because an
\ninvading foreign army but because of the weight of its own ethno-
\nnationalism.<\/p>\n
We must prevent these viruses from growing, and from attaining
\na trans-national character. In one of our communal conflicts in
\nPoso, for example, we have seen evidence of the involvement of
\nforeign terrorist groups, who also established training camps in
\nthat area; while in Aceh, the separatist rebels have been engaged
\nin cross-border arms smuggling for quite some time.<\/p>\n
Governments around the region must find ways to work together
\nand to support one another's efforts to contain these viruses
\nfrom growing, spreading and harming us.<\/p>\n
Ultimately, the stability of our region will hinge on the
\nforces of moderation and tolerance, the politics inclusion, the
\nhabit of cooperation and the preservation of national unity.<\/p>\n
So these are some strategic issues that, in my view, will
\ndefine our strategic outlook. They are hardly exhaustive, and as
\nwe respond to these issues we will find that they tend to overlap
\nwith one another. The degree to which they are relevant to each
\ncountry of the region may vary, but one way or another, they will
\naffect our regional stability and national security.<\/p>\n
These issues particularly matter for Indonesia. We, in
\nIndonesia, are always mindful of the fact that our national
\nsecurity is intimately linked to international security. But we
\nare also convinced that our national security must also promote
\nhuman security. Indeed, as we moved on from the static and rigid
\nCold War environment, to the post-Cold War era marked by the
\nexpansion of the zones of democracies and open markets, and now
\nto the turbulent and vulnerable world of the post-9\/11 era, our
\nsecurity thinking has been increasingly preoccupied with how to
\npromote national security, human security and international
\nsecurity in ways which are mutually reinforcing.<\/p>\n
In keeping with our democratic reforms, the Indonesian
\nGovernment has made structural adjustments to our security
\nframework, and military reforms have become a key feature of our
\ndemocratic transition. In line with spirit of reformasi, the
\nmilitary is disengaging from the political arena. There will be
\nno more military faction in the legislature that will be
\ninstalled after the 2004 elections. The military and police are
\nnow under separate commands. The military is responsible for
\nexternal defense, and the police for internal defense. Only in
\ncertain specific cases can the military be asked to assist the
\npolice in internal security. I am confident that Indonesia's
\nchanging security framework will solidify Indonesia's security,
\nwhich, in turn, will strengthen regional stability.<\/p>\n
In the current volatile international environment, there are
\nthose who say that what is needed is the deepening of alliances.
\nWell, that is one view. I would submit that what we need more
\nurgently, is the deepening of confidence-building, community-
\nbuilding and conflict resolution. In the long-run, these are the
\ntrue pillars of our region's security and stability.<\/p>\n
The article is an abridged version of the minister's keynote
\nspeech at the General Conference of the Council for Security
\nCooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) in Jakarta on Dec. 7.<\/p>",
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