Banser told dump legacy of militarism, mob politics<\/p>\n
By Ainur R. Sophiaan<\/p>\n
SURABAYA (JP): A field full of Nahdlatul Ulama members and
\ntheir young troops in military fatigues assembled on a day in
\nApril to welcome their former chairman, President Abdurrahman
\nWahid, or Gus Dur as he is popularly known.<\/p>\n
The minute Gus Dur's arrival was announced the 200,000 young
\nmen rushed to assume positions, and were even more frantic when
\nhe arrived.<\/p>\n
\"Quiet please!\" shouted Mustofa Bisri, leader of NU's
\nlawmaking body.<\/p>\n
\"Ful,\" Mustofa shouted again, referring to Syaifullah Yusuf,
\nchairman of NU's Ansor youth organization, \"it's so difficult to
\nbring order into your ranks!\"<\/p>\n
The motley \"ranks\" were those of Banser, short for all-purpose
\ntroops (Barisan Serba Guna), recently in the spotlight for their
\n\"visit\" to the Jawa Pos daily.<\/p>\n
The event at Surabaya's Military District Command was the
\nnational roll call of April 23 and it was hard to distinguish
\nBanser members from security forces of Battalion 507.<\/p>\n
Their uniforms were almost alike, even Banser uniforms
\nresembling those of Kopassus (special army force), Kostrad (army
\nstrategic reserves command), marines and the daily uniforms of
\nmiddle-ranking officers.<\/p>\n
\"One can find uniforms resembling almost all military units
\nwithin East Java's Banser,\" a resident said.<\/p>\n
East Java is the traditional base of Nahdlatul Ulama, and the
\nelection campaign period two years ago saw some clashes between
\ndifferent political party supporters, among whom were fellow
\ndevout members of NU.<\/p>\n
When not wearing their uniforms these young men return to
\ntheir professions -- as agricultural workers, civil servants,
\nsmall scale entrepreneurs, ojek (motorcycle taxi) and public
\ntransport drivers -- and even journalists.<\/p>\n
Many members in poor areas such as in Pacitan and Trenggalek
\nare unemployed.<\/p>\n
Nowadays one can find Banser members in East Java anytime and
\non any occasion. In Bangil, Pasuruan, they help traffic police
\ncheck motorcyclists' documents.<\/p>\n
In Kalambret, Tulungagung wedding organizers employed Banser
\nyouths to guard the parking lot. In Kediri, the civilian guards
\nwere found watching over a rally by PT Gudang Garam workers.<\/p>\n
In Banyuwangi a court hearing had to be stopped when the
\njudges and lawyers reportedly could no longer stand the
\n\"threatening\" presence of Banser guards. The hearing concerned a
\nmurder involving one of their own.<\/p>\n
On innumerable occasions, Banser members have safeguarded
\ncandidates from the National Awakening Party (PKB, mainly
\ncomprising NU members) in the regent elections.<\/p>\n
In Pasripan, Pasuruan, the unwritten rule among locals is that
\nsuspected thieves when caught are not handed over to the police
\n-- but to Banser.<\/p>\n
Ask locals in East Java who they fear more, Banser or the
\npolice, and they will invariably indicate the former.<\/p>\n
Banser youths are much easier to find than the police,
\nparticularly when Gus Dur visits the province.<\/p>\n
Formerly dismissed as just another youth group with a penchant
\nfor military fatigues and sometimes annoying behavior, their
\noccupation of the Jawa Pos daily led to much criticism --
\nincluding from within NU.<\/p>\n
People began to wonder what Banser was actually supposed to
\ndo. Criticism extended to militarism in party politics and
\nreflections of militaristic tendencies among civilians in the
\ncountry.<\/p>\n
Yet acceptance of youth militaristic groups such as Banser, as
\nreflected in the above examples, shows a perception among the
\nrural population of East Java that such groups are needed.<\/p>\n
Still, \"people are beginning to think they're really
\noverstepping sometimes,\" said a resident requesting anonymity.<\/p>\n
While reliance on civilians is now being encouraged to achieve
\na \"civil society,\" defense minister Juwono Sudarsono has been
\nquoted as saying, \"why are militaristic or semi-militaristic ways
\nbeing used?\"<\/p>\n
At a function in Malang, guarded by Banser, members erected a
\ntent across the road which passers-by mistook a temporary
\nmilitary post -- yet there was plenty of room at the boarding
\nschool (pesantren).<\/p>\n
Banser members themselves seem to be proud of wearing the
\nmilitary-like uniforms and say they feel useful in helping to
\nguard various community and NU functions.<\/p>\n
Distrust of the law and the perceived benefits of military
\ntraining to encourage discipline among young members are often
\nquoted as reasons for joining.<\/p>\n
In early May, Banser executives said that they had long
\nconsidered changing the military uniforms but said this was not
\neasy given that members bought most of the uniforms themselves.<\/p>\n
Following the Banser \"visit\" to Jawa Pos to protest a report
\nabout alleged corruption involving NU executives, NU leaders
\nexpressed plans to change Banser's militaristic style.<\/p>\n
Ansor's regional chairman M. Rofiq, who also chairs Banser's
\nregional branch, says all Banser activities are still \"in line\"
\nwith the organization's objectives.<\/p>\n
Banser activities must meet certain conditions, he said --
\nguarding an event is made at the request of an agency or an
\nindividual considered to be in need of protection, especially if
\nhe or she is an NU member. In short, the activities are justified
\nto safeguard \"public order\".<\/p>\n
\"It's not true that Banser takes over police authority ... we
\nare always under police coordination,\" Rofiq said, adding that
\n\"highly risky\" requests for protection by Banser were not met.<\/p>\n
Banser was set up in 1968 in conjunction with the 12th Ansor
\nYouth Movement Congress in Jakarta a few years after the aborted
\ncoup attempt of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and its
\ntraumatic aftermath. This involved mass killings among civilians,
\nincluding youth groups such as those affiliated to NU.<\/p>\n
In response to calls that Abdurrahman should apologize for
\nNU's involvement, he said he has repeatedly apologized to
\nvictims' relatives in his capacity as NU leader, before he became
\npresident.<\/p>\n
Banser was to be a medium for NU's cadre training and
\n\"character building,\" and as a force to \"safeguard\" NU's
\nprograms.<\/p>\n
Banser's daily role was not very prominent in the decades that
\nfollowed its establishment -- along with NU's fluctuating role in
\npolitics --- until NU and its leader, Abdurrahman, became
\nincreasingly involved in politics.<\/p>\n
In Indonesia, Banser claims 520,000 members, 175,000 of whom
\nare in East Java.<\/p>\n
Now that Abdurrahman has become president, Banser has been
\nrepeatedly warned by NU executives that they must not ride on
\ntheir leader's power. Rofiq denied that Banser was supporting Gus
\nDur just because he was their former leader.<\/p>\n
\"Our support is solely because Gus Dur is the legitimate
\npresident protected by the Constitution. So those who want to
\ntopple Gus Dur will face Banser,\" Rofiq said.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, Banser has difficulty in distinguishing between
\ncriticism and \"efforts to topple Gus Dur.\"<\/p>\n
Media people now joke that detected tendencies of self
\ncensorship against airing criticism of Gus Dur is because of the
\nfear of a \"visit\" by Banser.<\/p>\n
Indosiar private television faced the first pressure from
\nBanser shortly after Abdurrahman became president when a comedy
\nshow on its channel made fun of Gus Dur. Following protests from
\nNU supporters including Banser, the channel aired a number of
\napologies from its management and from the comedians.<\/p>\n
A political observer from Airlangga University in Surabaya,
\nPriyatmoko, said that the excessive measures taken by Banser
\nincreasingly reflect the past tendency to mobilize masses for
\npolitical interests.<\/p>\n
While the legacy of the New Order \"should be reduced or
\nforgotten, Banser strengthens it,\" he said. Like Banser, he
\nadded, similar civilian guard groups have \"stifled the process of
\ndemocracy.\"<\/p>\n
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan),
\nis also known for its red and black military-style youth groups
\nwhile the youth group that used to be affiliated with Golkar,
\nPemuda Pancasila, also sport army-style uniforms.<\/p>\n
M. Zaidun, former chairman of the Surabaya Legal Aid Institute
\nsaid mobilization of masses without a clear long-term concept and
\nvision would give birth to a new tyranny.<\/p>\n
It is that exaggerated role in \"safeguarding\" purposes, says
\nZaidun, that is the cause of many problems. \"It is highly
\nregrettable if each problem must be confronted with the masses,\"
\nhe said.<\/p>\n
Chairman of the NU central board Hasyim Muzadi, who leads the
\nAl-Hikam pesantren in Malang says Banser members should strongly
\nadhere to NU's image as a religious organization which upholds
\nethics and the law.<\/p>\n
Mustofa Bisri, the renown poet among NU leaders, says Banser
\nshould change its \"frightening\" image. \"They should imitate kiai
\n(religion teachers) or the Prophet,\" he said. \"Be authoritative
\nwithout instilling fear,\" he told the Banser roll call.
\n\"Authority can grow from a polite, kind and disciplined
\nattitude,\" he said.<\/p>\n
Priyatmoko said all such groups should be dissolved given that
\n\"they have become a private army and they're only for showing
\noff.\"<\/p>\n
Rofiq denies the \"militarization\" of civilians through Banser,
\nsaying he exercises strict control over his members.<\/p>\n
A Banser member in Tuban was once found to be involved in
\ngambling, he said, after which he was promptly dismissed. He also
\ndenies views that Banser has become \"political.\"<\/p>\n
Sulkhan, a Banser member from Malang, who works as an ojek
\n(motorcycle taxi) driver, says he doesn't understand politics. \"I
\njust follow the order of pak Kiai,\" he said.<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/banser-told-dump-legacy-of-militarism-mob-politics-1447893297",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}