Australia is approaching ASEAN<\/p>\n
Lee Kim Chew, The Straits Times, Asia News Network, Singapore<\/p>\n
With Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad preparing to
\nbow out of office next year, could Australia join ASEAN? The
\nquestion from an Australian reporter at Dr Mahathir's press
\nconference last Wednesday sounded facetious, but it was not
\nentirely out of turn.<\/p>\n
Nor was his reply. \"Once you become Asian, we will think about
\nthat,\" said the Malaysian leader, who had for years blocked the
\nAustralians from getting closer to ASEAN.<\/p>\n
Unlike the previous Labor government which spared no effort to
\nmove Australia closer to ASEAN, Prime Minister John Howard takes
\na different tack.<\/p>\n
This has fueled the debate over Australia's policy on Asia
\nespoused by the Liberal-National coalition government.<\/p>\n
Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said recently: \"The big lie
\nperpetuated by some about our government is that, somehow, we
\nhave not paid enough attention to the Asia-Pacific region. The
\nfact is that since 1997, we have sought to restore some of the
\nbalance in our foreign policy and to get away from an Asia-only
\nfocus to an Asia-first focus.\"<\/p>\n
The distinction matters. If there is anything which makes the
\nHoward government's Asia policy markedly different from Labor's,
\nit is his declaration last month that Australia is America's
\n\"best friend\".<\/p>\n
It reinforced perceptions that ASEAN countries were never high
\non his government's foreign-policy agenda. Significantly, his
\ngovernment was the first to back America's controversial doctrine
\nof pre-emptive strikes against states which support terrorist
\nattacks and are suspected of developing chemical, biological or
\nnuclear weapons. Iraq is a prime target.<\/p>\n
Howard's unstinting support and close alignment with
\nWashington has raised questions even among Australians. Derek
\nWoolner, a former defense adviser to the Federal Parliament and a
\nvisiting fellow at the Australian Defense Studies Center, notes
\nthat while pre-emptive strikes make good policy, there are
\nconsequences for Australia.<\/p>\n
He writes: \"One of these is opinion in the Muslim world.
\nAmerica's concerns are blatantly subjective. They do not extend
\nto the nuclear weapons of Israel or India, nor to the 'Islamic'
\nbomb of Pakistan. Understandable, as these countries are allied.
\nIn the Muslim world, however, America's position is likely to be
\nseen as anti-Islamic... This may matter little to some factions
\nwithin the Bush administration.<\/p>\n
Howard's support to start a trilateral security dialogue with
\nthe United States and Japan has also caused unease in Beijing,
\nwhich has condemned it as a move to contain China.<\/p>\n
Australian officials play down the significance of the
\nsecurity talks. Downer said recently: \"We don't support the
\npolicy of containment of China. We support the policy of
\nengagement with China. We're not interested in an Asian NATO or a
\nstrategy of containment of China. It's just an opportunity for
\nthe United States, Japan and Australian officials to talk about
\nregional security issues.\"<\/p>\n
He will have to convince China about Canberra's good
\nintentions.<\/p>\n
In any case, Australia wants to establish contacts with the
\nChinese military and resume bilateral defense talks on arms
\ncontrol and disarmament, which China suspended in 2000 after
\nAustralian Trade Minister Mark Vaile visited Taiwan.<\/p>\n
There is no agreement yet on when the defense talks would
\nresume, but Canberra is anxious to re-open them to ease Chinese
\nsuspicions about the proposed trilateral security dialogue which
\nwill take place later this year.<\/p>\n
There is another reason why China figures high on Canberra's
\nagenda. Australia, which is reviewing its foreign and trade
\npolicies, is eying China's vast markets. It wants to set up a
\nframework to boost trade and investments with China, its third-
\nlargest trading partner, in new areas such as financial services,
\nbesides agriculture.<\/p>\n
One of Howard's aims during his visit to China in May was to
\nsecure a A$26-billion (S$25.5-billion) LNG gas supply contract
\nwith Beijing.<\/p>\n
Does all this mean that the Howard government has sidelined
\nASEAN in its foreign policy? Apparently not. Despite its
\ndifficult relations with the Indonesians, Canberra has signed a
\npact with Jakarta to exchange information to combat terrorism.<\/p>\n
Howard's self-appointed role as the region's deputy sheriff
\nduring the East Timor fracas in 1999 had never gone down well
\nwith the Indonesians.<\/p>\n
Australian officials know that Jakarta's wounded pride and the
\nloss of East Timor would take time to heal.<\/p>\n
With Singapore, the Australians are about to sign a free-trade
\npact, and Thailand is following suit.<\/p>\n
Australia wants to advance its security and economic interests
\nthrough the ASEAN Regional Forum and Apec, both ASEAN-driven
\nforums. Downer said it was important for Australia and ASEAN to
\nforge a closer economic partnership because this would create a
\nmore substantial economic mass for them to compete with China.<\/p>\n
This does not mean that Canberra's ties with ASEAN are going
\nto be trouble-free. Already, some Australians are criticizing
\nMalaysia and Indonesia for using the war against terrorism as a
\npretext to crack down on political opponents.<\/p>\n
Between ASEAN countries and Australia, there is a cultural as
\nwell as political divide that gets accentuated with each
\ncontroversy, if left unbridged. The debate over Asian values, for
\ninstance, is seen by some Australians as an excuse for Asian
\nautocrats to justify their rule.<\/p>\n
ASEAN and Australia: Will the twain be better matched? After
\nMahathir, perhaps.<\/p>",
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