ASEAN's problem with Myanmar<\/p>\n
Jusuf Wanandi, Jakarta<\/p>\n
Since its inception in 1967, ASEAN has had a dream -- the One
\nSoutheast Asia. In 1984, its original five members invited Brunei
\nto join the grouping. Then Vietnam joined in 1995. At the 30th
\nanniversary of ASEAN in 1997 in Kuala Lumpur, Laos and Myanmar
\nwere welcomed in. Cambodia's entrance was delayed by a year due
\nto its internal problems.<\/p>\n
Expansions of ASEAN's membership always happened when
\ncountries were ready to join. The body extended the invitation to
\njoin without the need for any preconditions or negotiations.<\/p>\n
The One Southeast Asia project was completed in an exuberant
\nmood. Unfortunately, this was followed by the 1997 financial
\ncrisis that affected several of its members. Since then, ASEAN
\ndevelopment has been lackluster. Indonesia, ASEAN's informal
\nleader and the anchor, was hardest hit by the crisis and was in
\npolitical turmoil. Gradually, Indonesia has come back, and in the
\nchairmanship in 2003 it provided leadership in shaping the vision
\nof an ASEAN Community that encompasses economic, security and
\nsocio-cultural aspects. However, what later became apparent was
\nthe growing divide within ASEAN between the older members and the
\nnewer ones. The emergence of a two-tier ASEAN could not be
\nprevented.<\/p>\n
The biggest problem for ASEAN is Myanmar. The usurpation of
\npower by the military after the general elections of 1990, when
\nthe NLD (National League of Democracy) party led by Daw Aung San
\nSuu Kyi won overwhelmingly, has become a problem for the entire
\nregion. It has constrained ASEAN's role because the international
\ncommunity could not work with an illegitimate regime that
\ncontinues to drag up excuses for its existence. In the past 15
\nyears, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained for most of the
\ntime under all kinds of charges.<\/p>\n
The abuses by the military regime of the populace in general,
\nand towards the minorities in particular, are totally
\nunacceptable. In addition, the government has done little to
\ndevelop the country and to lessen the plight of the people. The
\nregime cannot hide from world attention and criticism and its
\nbehavior also affects its neighbors. Its inability to take
\nresponsibility to protect its people creates great stresses and
\nstrains along the border with Thailand. It has made declarations
\nto eliminate the drug production and trade in the country, but
\nMyanmar is still one of the world's biggest sources of illicit
\ndrugs.<\/p>\n
In dealing with Myanmar, ASEAN has not achieved much because
\nof its outmoded principle of non-intervention into member
\nnations' affairs. This is also due to the split in ASEAN about
\nthe attitude, the assessment of and the policies on Myanmar.<\/p>\n
Thailand, Myanmar's closest neighbor and at one time the
\nchampion of the so-called \"constructive engagement\" with the
\ncountry, has become more-or-less a defender of the regime due to
\nthe vested interests of some of its leaders. With the growing
\ninstability in southern Thailand, the Thai government has become
\nmore reluctant to intervene into Myanmese affairs.<\/p>\n
Malaysia, meanwhile, which earlier championed Myanmar's
\nmembership of ASEAN, is now at the forefront in pushing for
\nchange in Myanmar and in opposing its upcoming ASEAN
\nchairmanship.<\/p>\n
A democratic Indonesia can no longer be close to the Myanmar
\nmilitary as Soeharto's Indonesia was. It has tried to convince
\nthe regime of the need for political change for the country's own
\ngood and also for the sake of the region. It does not want to see
\na further weakening of ASEAN due to Myanmar's chairmanship. Even
\nVietnam, although it is not willing to intervene, does see the
\nneed for Myanmar to change and to begin to implement its road map
\nfor political development. It has also tried to persuade Myanmar
\nto forego its chairmanship.<\/p>\n
Singapore has also been visible in its attempt to persuade the
\nmilitary regime to realize the problems it causes for ASEAN. Both
\nSingapore and Malaysia have substantial investments in Myanmar
\nand want to see country opening up rather than increasingly
\nisolate itself. The Philippines, another Southeast Asian
\ndemocracy, is prepared to put some pressure on Myanmar, but its
\nown domestic political and economic problems have hampered
\nPhilippine efforts.<\/p>\n
Civil society groups and parliamentarians in ASEAN have been
\nmuch more vocal and are willing to push the issue of change in
\nMyanmar further. The ASEAN People's Assembly (APA) and the ASEAN
\nParliamentary Caucus on Myanmar have been actively addressing the
\n\"Myanmar problem.\"<\/p>\n
There are two sides to this problem. One is Myanmar's
\nchairmanship of ASEAN, which it is schedule to assume in 2006. It
\ndoes not make sense for Myanmar to take the chairmanship post if
\nthis results in the boycotting of ASEAN's international and
\nregional meetings by the EU and the United States. Myanmar should
\ntake up the chairmanship when it is able to implement its plan
\nfor political development in a credible and consistent manner.<\/p>\n
The other problem is this plan for political development in
\naccordance with Myanmar's road map for change. How can ASEAN be
\nassured that these positive changes will happen? ASEAN has
\noffered to assist and to provide advice to the Myanmar regime on
\nthis matter, making the process easier, more credible and more
\nacceptable to the international community.<\/p>\n
ASEAN ISIS has had many engagements with Myanmese politicians
\nthose still living in the country and those in exile. Contact
\nwith the military ended with the arrests of Khin Nyunt's group.<\/p>\n
Parliamentarians, civil society groups and the media must now
\nput pressure on ASEAN's governments, its political leaders and
\nits business elite to maximize their efforts to encourage
\npolitical change in Myanmar. This means including the NLD in the
\npolitical development process and freeing leader Suu Kyi from
\nhouse arrest.<\/p>\n
Arguing that Suu Kyi and the NLD are passe is not credible.
\nThe issue of change in Myanmar should be given serious attention
\nby ASEAN and should not be left to the rest of the international
\ncommunity.<\/p>\n
The writer is co-founder and senior fellow of the Centre for
\nStrategic and International Studies (CSIS).<\/p>",
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