ASEAN based on national resilience<\/p>\n
The following interview with Dr. Juwono Sudarsono, vice
\ngovernor of the National Resilience Institute, was taken from
\nthe January 1997 edition of Telaah Strategic (Strategic
\nAnalysis), the institute's bimonthly publication.<\/p>\n
Question: What is the significance of the ASEAN-10?<\/p>\n
Answer: A united Southeast Asia encompassing all 10 states in
\nSoutheast Asia has been aspired to by many Southeast Asians since
\nthe late 1940s, with Filipinos and Indonesians being the most
\nprominent. They visualized a common identity based on the
\nregion's strategic location, geographical makeup between two
\noceans and two continents as well as between the great traditions
\nand civilizations of China and India. By August 1997, Myanmar,
\nCambodia and Laos are expected to join as full members. This
\nwould fulfill the aspirations and the long-term goal declared at
\nthe inception of ASEAN in the Bangkok Declaration of Aug. 8,
\n1967, that the region of Southeast Asia become a community of
\npeace and prosperity.<\/p>\n
Q: Isn't the idea of a united Southeast Asia somewhat far-
\nfetched and idealistic?<\/p>\n
A: For centuries, the cultures and civilizations of Southeast
\nAsia have been remarkable for their ability to absorb, adapt and
\nimprove upon a wide variety of cultural, political and economic
\ninfluences from outside the region. Dynasties, kingdoms and --
\nmore recently, republics -- sought to seek comparative as well as
\ncompetitive advantages from the vagaries of strategic power
\nplays, economic pressures as well as the political hegemony of
\nIndia, China and the European powers. Following the end of the
\nPacific War in 1945, most of continental Southeast Asia came
\nunder the spell of communism while most of maritime Southeast
\nAsia opted for tutelage under capitalism.<\/p>\n
Indonesia initiated the notion of an independent, self-
\nconfident outlook when it insisted during ASEAN's inception in
\n1967 that the Bangkok Declaration affirmed that foreign military
\nbases were \"temporary in nature,\" although in deference to the
\nother four founding states it conceded that the presence of such
\nmilitary bases was at the discretion of each resident state. At
\nthe height of the Cold War, the intellectual foundations of the
\noutlook originated in a series of in-house discussions at the
\nNational Defense Institute (now renamed the National Resilience
\nInstitute) from 1969 to 1972.<\/p>\n
The conceptual framework advocated is now popularly known as
\nregional resilience. In essence, regional resilience is a logical
\nextension of Indonesia's doctrine of national resilience, which
\ndrew inspiration from our revolutionary experience between 1945
\nand 1950. There is a strong emphasis on self-confidence and self-
\nreliance rather than relying on foreign military assurance. I
\nmight add that regional resilience preceded the notions of
\ncomprehensive security and cooperative security, concepts
\ndeveloped in the United Nations after 1992. No, the ASEAN-10 is
\nnot far-fetched, nor idealistic. I am convinced that the ASEAN-10
\nis an idea whose time has come, is politically sound and
\neconomically viable.<\/p>\n
Q: What are the benchmarks of regional resilience and the
\nASEAN-10?<\/p>\n
A: The Bangkok Declaration, for one, asserts confidence in the
\nability of Southeast Asians to determine the terms and conditions
\nof political, economic and strategic autonomy of the region.
\nIndonesia pioneered the notion of not relying on assurances from
\noutside military powers. In 1971, this idea was advanced in the
\ndeclaration that Southeast Asia be a zone of peace, freedom and
\nneutrality. Later, the Declaration of ASEAN Concord and the
\nTreaty of Amity and Cooperation in 1976 propelled this idea even
\nfurther.<\/p>\n
More recently, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement and ASEAN
\nRegional forum were added to the list. All of these benchmarks
\nwere underpinned by the notion of regional resilience. And so it
\nwent. Brunei joined ASEAN in 1984, Vietnam in 1995 and Myanmar,
\nCambodia and Laos will this year. All of these countries, I am
\nsure, basically agree with the notions of national and regional
\nresilience, uniting all of Southeast Asia within the ASEAN
\nframework.<\/p>\n
Q: What about the relationship between the ASEAN-10 and the
\ninternational community, particularly in communications
\ntechnology, production, investments and marketing?<\/p>\n
A: In a globalized world, regional resilience combines the
\nnotion of comparative advantage based on geographical proximity
\nand the idea of competitive advantage, which draws on the
\nqualitative aspects of performance based on world-wide standards
\nof enterprise. This is particularly important in the 1990s,
\nbecause ASEAN increasingly faces competition from other emerging
\nmarkets across the world like eastern Europe, North Africa, Latin
\nAmerica and greater China. Regional resilience through the ASEAN-
\n10 welcomes the challenges of cross-border and cross-functional
\ntransactions, which are the daily fare of executives in
\ngovernment and private business.<\/p>\n
But regional resilience also entails down to earth notions of
\neconomic sustenance, social justice and the fundamentals of
\ngovernance to provide outreach to the desperate, the deprived and
\nthe disadvantaged.<\/p>\n
That is why Indonesia has compared notes with Myanmar and
\nVietnam in establishing international oil contracts, provided the
\nPhilippines with emergency fuel during energy shortages and
\nassisted in building up Cambodia's army and police to provide
\npublic safety. On a broader level, Indonesia also supports the
\ngrowth triangle of Singapore-Johore-Riau, the Indonesia-Malaysia-
\nThailand Growth Triangle and the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-
\nPhilippines growth area. Regional resilience rests on the
\ndurability of national resilience. It is the daily referendum on
\nthe idea of being Southeast Asian.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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