As tiny East Timor celebrates its independence today, its
\ngiant neighbor Indonesia confronts a new reality.<\/p>\n
Two influential United States lawmakers -- Republican Senator
\nLincoln Chafee and Democratic Senator Russell Feingold -- have
\nmoved a resolution calling for \"robust\" American aid for the
\nnascent half-island state.<\/p>\n
They urge President George W. Bush to bring to justice the
\nsenior Indonesian officials who promoted the 1999 anti-
\nindependence violence in East Timor.<\/p>\n
They want Jakarta to disarm the militiamen, hold them
\naccountable to the rule of law and ensure stability at the border
\nseparating East and Indonesian-controlled West Timor.<\/p>\n
To add sting to the resolution, the lawmakers say they will be
\n\"maintaining appropriate restrictions and prohibitions in law on
\nmilitary assistance, training, relations and technical support to
\nthe Indonesian Armed Forces\".<\/p>\n
Seized with democracy and human rights, and excited about East
\nTimor's emancipation, the lawmakers want to seek redress for the
\ndeath and destruction caused by pro-Jakarta militia forces in
\n1999.<\/p>\n
This puts the Bush administration in a bind. The Americans are
\nin two minds about Indonesia.<\/p>\n
The Bush administration wants to restore military ties with
\nJakarta as it steps up the war against terrorism, but the
\nlawmakers in Congress are unmoved.<\/p>\n
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is fighting an uphill battle
\nto persuade them to provide funds and lift the sanctions imposed
\non Indonesia.<\/p>\n
The House Appropriations Committee has rejected two proposals
\nto give Jakarta aid, citing a lack of progress in prosecuting
\nthose responsible for human-rights abuses in East Timor.<\/p>\n
The Bush administration had offered US$18 million (S$32.4
\nmillion) to the cash-strapped Indonesian government to train the
\npolice in counter-terrorism and intelligence-gathering.<\/p>\n
The money was also earmarked for training courses to help
\nJakarta track the banking accounts of terrorist groups, and for
\nbeefing up its forces to deal with sectarian strife in Maluku and
\nelsewhere.<\/p>\n
But the lawmakers refuse to open the kitty. This is a question
\nof priorities which they must decide quickly.<\/p>\n
The bifurcated policy has to change or America's global war on
\nterror could trip over its intransigence on human rights.<\/p>\n
Washington is a bundle of contradictions, as another case
\nillustrates. There is pending in the Senate a trade Bill that may
\nundercut the administration's anti-terror campaign in South-east
\nAsia.<\/p>\n
The new legislation has a provision eliminating import taxes
\non canned tuna from Andean nations, while levies remain in place
\nfor other countries.<\/p>\n
This threatens the livelihood of fishermen in the southern
\nPhilippines, where American troops are helping President Gloria
\nArroyo to flush out the Abu Sayyaf rebels.<\/p>\n
Indonesian Defense Minister Matori Abdul Djalil, who had talks
\nwith Rumsfeld in Washington recently, lamented that Indonesia was
\nsuffering from the U.S. military embargo.<\/p>\n
For three years now, Indonesia has military planes which
\ncannot fly and ships which cannot patrol its vast archipelago for
\nwant of American spare parts.<\/p>\n
The Indonesians have undertaken reforms to establish the
\nprinciple of civilian supremacy over the military. A new law on
\nanti-terrorism will be submitted to the Indonesian Parliament
\nnext month.<\/p>\n
But President Megawati Soekarnoputri is unlikely to deliver
\nall that the Americans demand, particularly with regard to
\nmilitary accountability in East Timor.<\/p>\n
It was only under intense international pressure that the
\nIndonesians agreed to prosecute several senior officers
\nresponsible for human-rights violations there.<\/p>\n
Congressional resistance is not the only hurdle to
\nWashington's quick normalization of military ties with Indonesia.
\nThere are other problems as well.<\/p>\n
Some Muslim factions in the Indonesian Parliament oppose the
\nanti-terrorism Bill, arguing that it gives the security forces a
\nfree hand to crack down on political dissidents, besides radical
\nIslamic groups.<\/p>\n
The Indonesian government itself is divided, with Vice-
\nPresident Hamzah Haz consorting with Islamic militant leader
\nJafaar Umar Thalib to win Muslim votes.<\/p>\n
Dr Greg Fealy, a research fellow in Indonesian politics at the
\nAustralian National University, said President Megawati had to do
\nmore than just arrest Jafaar.<\/p>\n
She has to disband Jafaar's Laskar Jihad, a paramilitary anti-
\nChristian group, and expel its fighters from Maluku, Sulawesi and
\nPapua, where they had been fomenting violence, he said.<\/p>\n
All this will take resources and political will, but Megawati
\nhas little of both. As America's lawmakers procrastinate over the
\nnormalization of ties with the Indonesian armed forces, the
\nIslamic militants will get emboldened.<\/p>\n
Laskar Jihad fighters are bent on scuttling a peace deal that
\nJakarta had brokered between the warring Muslim and Christian
\ngroups in Ambon.<\/p>\n
And even if Megawati gets American aid, she has to exercise
\ncontrol. Recently, troops from the elite Kopassus force fought
\nwith the police in Ambon instead of keeping the peace.<\/p>\n
Indonesian legislator Ibrahim Ambong said this proved that the
\nsecurity forces were incapable of getting their act together.<\/p>\n
U.S. military aid might not be able to stiffen up Megawati's
\nresolve to rein in the Islamic militants, but it would give her
\nmore resources to deal with them, said Sukardi Rinakit, an
\nanalyst in Jakarta's Center for Political Studies.<\/p>\n
To be sure, Indonesia's poorly-equipped armed forces can do
\nbetter with more American hardware and money.<\/p>\n
Said Ralph Cossa, president of the Pacific Forum at the Center
\nfor Strategic and International Studies in Honolulu: \"The biggest
\nfear of the Bush administration is that Indonesia becomes a safe
\nhaven for terrorists fleeing from Afghanistan and Pakistan, and
\nthat Al-Qaeda will use Indonesia as a place to regroup, with
\nIndonesian radicals providing support.\"<\/p>\n
But while the Bush administration has revised its post-Sept.
\n11 strategic priorities to wage war on terror, Congress has not
\n-- in Indonesia's case.<\/p>\n
The obstinacy does not help President Bush when he is reaching
\nout to moderate Islamic states.<\/p>\n
There is no certainty that America's lawmakers are ready to
\nsnap out of their obsessive preoccupation with human-rights
\nlapses in East Timor.<\/p>\n
They are taking this stand even though President Xanana Gusmao
\nhas said his primary objective is alleviating poverty in East
\nTimor, not seeking retribution for the wrongs done to his people.<\/p>\n
By refusing to lift the military embargo and provide funds,
\nthe U.S. Congress is holding back help when Megawati is showing
\nsigns that she is prepared to rein in the Islamic militants.<\/p>\n
Cossa said the lawmakers were \"extremely shortsighted\" in
\ndenying the Indonesians military aid.<\/p>\n
He told The Straits Times: \"Indonesian military support is
\nessential to national cohesion and the ultimate success of
\ndemocracy in Indonesia.<\/p>\n
'Congress' focus is more on past accountability than on the
\ncurrent crackdown... We should keep our eyes more on the future
\nthan on the past.\"<\/p>",
"url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/as-tiny-east-timor-celebrates-its-independence-today-its-1447899208",
"image": ""
},
"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
"sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com"
}