APEC's stance on migrant workers unclear<\/p>\n
By Tati Krisnawaty<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): The leaders of the 18 members of the Asia-
\nPacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum are convening in their
\nfourth summit in Vancouver this week but queries prevail over
\nwhether they will address matters related to the protection of
\nmigrant workers.<\/p>\n
They are expected to continue working on the core issues of
\neconomic cooperation in the Asia Pacific region -- the
\nliberalization of trade and investment.<\/p>\n
In the liberalization of trade and investment, the forum has
\nthree objectives: reducing the obstacles in trade in the Asia-
\nPacific region, promoting investment among members and reaching
\nfree trade by 2020.<\/p>\n
With these three objectives, APEC promises mutual profits,
\nefficiency, space for movement and free competition, which in
\nturn would help promote sustainable growth, welfare and
\ndemocracy. Some members are optimistic with the promises but
\nothers are pessimistic and see the promises as nonsensical.<\/p>\n
Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad is of the opinion
\nthat APEC will only satisfy the interests of the advanced
\ncountries, mainly the United State and Japan, and the newly
\nindustrialized countries. Prof. Suthy Prasartset of Chulalongkorn
\nUniversity in Thailand has stated that APEC will aggravate the
\nweak position of the masses like workers and farmers living in
\nSouthern countries.<\/p>\n
The Kyoto Declaration signed by more than 100 nongovernmental
\norganizations (NGOs) and labor organizations on Nov. 14, 1995,
\nclearly opposes APEC's model of the free market and trade
\nliberalization because economic growth and trade promotion have
\nno final limits in themselves. The Kyoto Declaration was
\nreconfirmed through the Manila Declaration of the People's Forum
\non APEC in 1996.<\/p>\n
The consequence of these models is the exploitation of natural
\nresources resulting in environmental damage, social injustice,
\nand poor respect for human rights.<\/p>\n
Migrant workers, for example, are a segment of the community
\nthat fails to attract the attention of APEC.<\/p>\n
APEC's labor ministers, in their meeting on Jan. 11, 1996,
\nagreed to a draft statement which appealed for the sharing of
\ninformation on the labor market, the standardization of skill
\nqualifications and efforts to facilitate workers' mobility.
\nNevertheless, the draft statement did not discuss what should be
\ndone for the existing millions of migrant workers, the majority
\nof whom are categorized as unskilled workers.<\/p>\n
Indonesia itself has sent migrant workers to some APEC member
\ncountries like Brunei, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, South Korea,
\nSingapore, the United States and Taiwan.<\/p>\n
From APEC's point of view, workers are tools of production to
\nmaximize growth or profits. Trade liberalization in Latin
\nAmerican, South Asian as well as Southeast Asian countries in the
\npast two decades has seen the negligence of workers' rights.
\nTheir wages have been very low and they have hardly received any
\nsocial security and medical care. Workers have been curbed not to
\nstrike and to associate in organizations for the sake of economic
\ngrowth, benefiting the companies where they work.<\/p>\n
The International Labor Organization and the United Nations
\nhave provided various instruments for worker protection,
\nincluding protection for migrant workers, but companies often
\nviolate the regulations.<\/p>\n
Liberalization makes it possible for capitalists to move their
\ncapital wherever and whenever they want. That means that workers
\ncan lose their jobs at any time.<\/p>\n
To prevent capital flight, governments often exercise pressure
\non workers in terms of their wages, work conditions, social
\nsecurity and settlement of conflicts. Furthermore, companies tend
\nto use cheap migrant workers who do not belong to organizations.<\/p>\n
Female migrant workers from Indonesia enter the international
\nlabor market mostly as domestic helpers. The demand for workers
\nin this sector has been on the increase from time to time. It is
\nnot surprising because their role is very big in reducing the
\nwork burden of their employers.<\/p>\n
It is regrettable that many of them are not protected by local
\nlabor laws. Many Indonesian migrant workers experience various
\nviolations of human rights, such as long working days, low pay or
\neven nonpayment of salaries, sexual harassment and violence.<\/p>\n
The problems of Indonesian migrant workers abroad have complex
\ndimensions in terms of legal and political access. It is not
\nsuperfluous if the problems of Indonesian migrant workers are
\ndiscussed in a global context with the main focus on their basic
\nrights. It is also necessary to educate them so that they have
\nbetter access to legal protection in the countries where they
\nwork.<\/p>\n
Domestically, the labor law approved by the House of
\nRepresentatives in October does not include the protection of
\nmigrant workers. This new law's chapter on the recruitment of
\nIndonesian workers for working abroad is more oriented toward
\nefforts to supply cheap workers and stricter control, instead of
\nefforts to bring them closer to legal protection.<\/p>\n
Does APEC's mission on free trade and investment take the
\npeople's side?<\/p>\n
An approach on law reform only is not adequate for the
\nprotection of migrant workers. It needs to be complemented with a
\nruling preventing the exploitation of workers under the name of
\ninternational free trade.<\/p>\n
The writer is a former executive chairperson of the
\nPerserikatan Solidaritas Perempuan (Women Solidarity
\nAssociation).<\/p>",
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