Amien Rais: Succession is necessary<\/p>\n
By Santi W.E. Soekanto<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): For many people, discussions on succession of
\nnational leadership would not be complete without somehow
\nmentioning Amien Rais.<\/p>\n
The chairman of Indonesia's reformist Moslem organization,
\nMuhammadiyah, first brought up the issue of leadership succession
\nduring a routine meeting in December 1993, only months after the
\nnation re-elected President Soeharto to his sixth consecutive
\nterm.<\/p>\n
\"There is no other option, presidential succession must occur
\nin 1998,\" according to Amien, holder of a doctoral degree on
\npolitical science from the Chicago University, United States.<\/p>\n
Amien delineated seven reasons why he thought Indonesia must
\nhave a new leader in 1998, among which was the adage that \"power
\ntends to corrupt.\" Besides, \"this country is a republic, not a
\nkingdom,\" he asserted.<\/p>\n
The issue, a long-time political no-no, immediately
\nsnowballed, and sparked controversies in the briefly-dumbfounded
\npublic. Some people supported Amien's ideas and elaborated on
\nthem in various seminars. Others, including the chairman of the
\nruling Golkar, Harmoko, condemned the ideas as \"premature\" and
\neven \"unethical.\"<\/p>\n
The second group believed that Amien's initiative to talk
\nabout succession was paramount to hustling President Soeharto to
\nstep down.<\/p>\n
Still others suspiciously asked, \"Who's behind Amien?\", and
\nstrove to find proof that Amien, a well-known expert on Middle
\nEast affairs, might have vested interests when he brought up the
\nsubject.<\/p>\n
The discussion reached its peak when President Soeharto
\ncommented last February to visiting Donald W. Wilson, the
\nAmerican author of two books on him and president of Pittsburgh
\nState University, that he would not be \"president for life.\"<\/p>\n
Amien, who turned 50 last month, calmly faced the criticism
\nand went on discussing his views in various seminars and
\ninterviews. He went so far as to call for a national debate on
\nthe presidential succession as early as possible, so that the
\npublic would have plenty of time to think over their options.<\/p>\n
He believed that this move would help create a less rigid,
\nmore transparent, and more honest political situation.<\/p>\n
\"Leaving the question to the last week before the election is
\nno use. By then, everything will have been settled,\" he said in a
\ndiscussion with The Jakarta Post.<\/p>\n
Despite the various reactions, and the rise and fall of the
\nintensity of the discussion, the issue is now in the open and
\npeople speak about it from time to time. The ball has started
\nrolling.<\/p>\n
The People's Consultative Assembly reappointed Soeharto for a
\nsixth consecutive five-year term in March 1993, a term that a
\nnumber of analysts believe to be his last. The president will be
\na 77-year-old incumbent in 1998.<\/p>\n
Amien tries to avoid any personal, emotional investment in the
\nissue, declaring he would not be disappointed if no succession
\ntakes place in 1998.<\/p>\n
\"The Muhammadiyah believes that there are some important
\nthings at stake, so it speaks up, in the name of Allah,\" he said.<\/p>\n
\"It is only reminding the nation of the need to discuss
\nsuccession now, while we still have plenty of time,\" he said.
\n\"Whatever the outcome of this suggestion is, alhamdulillah ala
\nkullihal, we thank Allah for everything.\"<\/p>\n
Obligation<\/p>\n
Amien denied that he was looking out for his own interests. He
\nsaid he spoke only because Muhammadiyah intellectuals routinely
\ndiscuss matters of national importance, such as human rights
\nprotection, development strategies and legal affairs.<\/p>\n
He said the organization tackles these issues because it has a
\nmoral obligation toward society; his paper only attracted major
\nattention due to its sensitive nature.<\/p>\n
However, the controversy could be taken as proof that the
\nMuhammadiyah still has some political leverage in society, he
\nsaid.<\/p>\n
Amien, who is known for the well-ordered manner with which he
\nexpresses his ideas, seems very much at ease when speaking about
\nthe role that the Muhammadiyah plays in society, especially
\nconcerning politics.<\/p>\n
He believed that the Muhammadiyah has been pursuing the right
\ncourse. Striving to keep its distance from any political
\ngrouping, while remaining critical of the situation.<\/p>\n
Founded by the respected ulema Kiai Haji Ahmad Dahlan in 1912,
\nthe Muhammadiyah vowed from the beginning to stay out of politics
\nand avoid affiliation with any grouping.<\/p>\n
Instead, it pledged to function as a means of enlightenment
\nand to purify Islamic teachings, whose practice and rituals at
\nthe time were marred by superstition and polytheism.<\/p>\n
Due to celebrate its 83th anniversary in November, the
\norganization now boasts some 28 million members. It has been
\nconcentrating heavily on social and educational affairs, having
\nestablished over 5,000 mosques, 16,000 schools, 114 universities
\nand colleges, hundreds of orphanages, dozens of hospitals and
\nhundreds of health clinics.<\/p>\n
The organization has vowed never to \"bow to, much less suck up
\nto, any power holder.\" Neither will it adopt a confrontational
\nstance toward the government,\" Amien said.<\/p>\n
However, the chairman acknowledges that with such a broad-
\nbased network, the Muhammadiyah is indeed, politically, very
\nalluring. For decades, it has repeatedly rejected attempts by
\nvarious parties to bring it into the political arena.<\/p>\n
\"God willing, we'll remain independent, we'll maintain our
\nfreedom of action,\" Amien vowed.<\/p>\n
Relations<\/p>\n
Amien, who has column regularly in the Republika daily, is
\nsomeone everybody can talk to, about virtually everything. In
\ncontrast with a number of other political observers, who
\ninvariably take negative views of almost any development, Amien
\ngives a far from monotonous commentary about various issues.<\/p>\n
Sometimes he comes out with sharp criticism, at other times he
\nappears very cautious, treading on some issues with praiseworthy
\nsensitivity.<\/p>\n
He last came to nationwide attention following the revelation
\nby Din Syamsuddin, a Muhammadiyah scholar and member of Golkar,
\nof the alleged blasphemy by psychic Permadi Satrio Wiwoho. Amien
\nwas a speaker in a seminar at which Permadi made the reportedly
\noffensive remarks about Islam, President Soeharto, Golkar and
\nother parties.<\/p>\n
Amien defended himself by saying that he was no longer present
\nwhen Permadi spoke, but he also defended the soothsayer as well,
\nsaying the case was blown out of proportion. \"It became big
\nbecause it's been politicized,\" Amien said, risking the wrath of
\nMoslems who took offense of Permadi.<\/p>\n
Amien is also known for his down-to-earth manner and his
\nefforts to present a moderate voice in many cases. Commenting
\nabout the perceived honeymoon in the relations between Indonesian
\nMoslem communities with the government, Amien said he would
\nrather avoid a paranoid view on it, as many scholars do.<\/p>\n
\"There are people who see the improvement as real and are
\ngrateful for it, there are those who are skeptical and remain
\ncritical, and there are people who are just suspiciously against
\nit,\" Amien said. \"I would prefer to be either in the first or
\nsecond group.\"<\/p>\n
One of the last ideas that Amien brought up was the terms
\n\"high politics\" and \"low politics\". As did his suggestion about
\nsuccession, the terms became a point of public discussion for
\ndays.<\/p>\n
\"People who are involved in high politics think about what
\nattitudes and actions are ethical and crucial for the interests
\nof the nation,\" he said. Low politics, on the other hand,
\ninvolves people who compete only for the sake of position and
\npower.<\/p>\n
\"The Muhammadiyah's decision to speak about succession is a
\nform of high politics,\" he asserted.<\/p>\n
The Muhammadiyah is currently preparing to hold its 43rd
\ncongress in July in Banda Aceh, Aceh. Some 2,500 leading members
\nof the organization will attend the gathering, which is to be
\nopened by President Soeharto.<\/p>\n
There, Amien's chair will be up for the taking.<\/p>\n
He said he is confident that the election will go relatively
\nsmoothly, but states readiness to deal with possible problems
\narising from disgruntled activists, who covet the position.<\/p>\n
\"I know the map of Muhammadiyah, from the eastern tip to the
\nwestern tip of the archipelago. There should be no squabbles in
\nthe congress because we all still believe in the Muhammadiyah
\nideals,\" he said.<\/p>\n
\"However, I know that there are people whose ambitions were
\nthwarted when I was unanimously appointed to replace the late
\nAzhar Basyir last year,\" he said. \"These people might just go and
\nsell out to external parties and meddle in Muhammadiyah affairs.\"<\/p>\n
The Kaaba<\/p>\n
Today, Amien, an unassuming man, calmly goes about his daily
\nactivities as a staff lecturer at the School of Social and
\nPolitical Sciences, Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta, and at
\nthe Research Center for Policies Studies (PPSK).<\/p>\n
The second of five children, Amien said his mother used to
\nwish that he would become a kyai, a traditional Moslem scholar.
\nAs if to appease his mother's wish, Amien, who studied in the
\nUnited States at the University of Notre Dame in Indiana and
\nChicago University, later became a mubaligh, or Moslem propagator
\nas well.<\/p>\n
He stepped into the Muhammadiyah chair last year following the
\ndeath of elected chairman, Azhar Basyir. Though he did not take
\nany credit, he admitted that a new breed of leadership has
\nstarted to take its place in the organization. Instead of being
\nled by the traditional kyai, the Muhammadiyah now has more
\nintellectuals and Ph.D holders than ever.<\/p>\n
Amien's father, Syuhud Rais, and his mother, Sudalmiyah,
\nintroduced Amien and his siblings to a life marked by
\nreligiosity. \"I was taught, from an early age, of the importance
\nof saying prayers and reading the Koran,\" he said in the Tempo
\nWho's Who.<\/p>\n
Amien went to a Muhammadiyah school, from his kindergarten
\nyear to senior high school. He went on to the Gadjah Mada
\nUniversity, to study political sciences.<\/p>\n
He later had the opportunity to study at the Al Azhar
\nUniversity in Cairo, Egypt, writing his dissertation there in
\norder to take the doctoral degree in the Chicago University. His
\nthesis, entitled The Moslem Brotherhood in Egypt, its Rise,
\nDemise and Resurgence, earned him the degree in 1981.<\/p>\n
Amien married Kusnasriyati Sri Rahayu in 1969, and they had to
\nwait ten years before their first child was born. \"I was fed up
\nwith all of the medical procedures we had to undergo. My wife and
\nI decided to go on pilgrimage to Mecca, and pray for children
\nwhile praying in sight of the Kaaba, in the Great Mosque,\" he
\nsaid. \"We went home and found that my wife was already pregnant.
\nIt was a miracle.\"<\/p>\n
They now has five children. Ahmad Hanafi, who is in the final
\nyear of the junior high school, Hanum Salsabila, Ahmad Mumtaz,
\nTasmin Fauzia and the youngest, Ahmad Baihaqi, who is now in the
\nfirst grade.<\/p>\n
Several years ago, his wife asked for his permission to open a
\nfood stall. Amien agreed and even promised to help tend the
\nwarung. Business flourished and his wife is now the manager of 12
\nworkers.<\/p>\n
\"Even if it's small, it has, at least, become the source of
\nlivelihood for a dozen people,\" Amien said proudly. He was a
\nlittle concern, however, over increasing food prices.<\/p>\n
\"Business has been declining a little lately,\" the scholar and
\ncolumnist said. \"I'm really concerned, because it shows just how
\nvulnerable our people are, how low their buying capability is.\"<\/p>",
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