Ambalat, nationalism and popular interests<\/p>\n
Israr Iskandar, Padang<\/p>\n
The fact that people's nationalism is still quite strong is
\nquite admirable, given the host of problems the country is at
\npresent facing. The Ambalat case has at least demonstrated how
\nthe spirit of nationalism has \"pushed back\" waves of protests
\nagainst the increase in fuel prices. Learning from the case of
\nSipadan-Ligitan, two islands that Indonesia has had to give up,
\nthe Indonesian government does not want to lose any more of its
\nterritory to Malaysia.<\/p>\n
However the rising sense of nationalism must continue to be
\nactualized not only in the context of protecting the state's
\nterritory from external threats but also in the context of
\nmaintaining national sovereignty as a whole. In this case,
\nnational sovereignty also means the sovereignty and honor of the
\nentire nation. Therefore, the spirit of nationalism must also be
\naimed at strengthening citizens' sovereignty and honor in the
\neconomic, political, social, cultural and educational fields.<\/p>\n
The problem is that until now the expression of nationalism in
\nIndonesia has been limited to security matters, more particularly
\nthreats to the integrity of the state's territory, both
\ninternally (separatism) or externally. In fact, nationalism and
\nnational interests can also be interpreted as the spirit to
\nprioritize popular interests.<\/p>\n
In this respect, there are several examples of how nationalism
\nand national interests have served as a mere slogan in the
\ninterests of the political elite. Take, for example, the recent
\nincrease in fuel prices, which the government claims it has
\nintroduced in the interests of the poor. The disadvantaged people
\nare supposed to benefit from the funds generated by the fuel
\nsubsidy cut through health care, education and improved
\ninfrastructure. Based on past experience, however, compensation
\nfunds for the poor have never reached the intended target.<\/p>\n
It is quite reasonable, therefore, to doubt these claims.
\nIronically, when the people, including the poor who have been
\npromised the compensation funds, are protesting against the
\nincrease in fuel prices because it will make their lives more
\ndifficult, members of the House of Representatives have, instead,
\nasked for a pay increase.<\/p>\n
Besides the political leaders, the economic leaders have also
\nrushed to the government to ask for \"compensation\" in the form of
\ntax concessions.<\/p>\n
Nationalism is also a paradox when it come to how national and
\nlocal leaders respond to the issue of privatization, a program
\nthat has been accelerated in the present era of reform. The
\nsupporters of this program claim that the privatization of state-
\nowned enterprises is in the interest of the nation. Meanwhile,
\nthose objecting to this program claim that their actions are in
\nthe people's interests and they have even put forward issues
\nrelated to economic nationalism.<\/p>\n
After the program of privatization has been implemented, the
\npoor remain poor: The poverty level and the rate of unemployment
\nremain high. On the other hand, the argument put forward by those
\nwho are against privatization that the government should own the
\nmajority shares in state-owned enterprises should also raise
\ndoubts. Until now, most state-owned enterprises have shown poor
\nperformance and corrupt practices.<\/p>\n
The local leaders have also frequently claimed that they act
\nin the interests of the public while in fact they are protecting
\ntheir own interests. This was true, for example, in the case of
\nmembers of West Sumatra Legislative Assembly involved in
\ncorruption practices regarding the regional budget funds. They
\ninsinuated that non-governmental organizations, which had brought
\nup cases against them, were funded by foreign parties.<\/p>\n
They said there was a conspiracy by foreign quarters to corner
\nMuslims because many of these corrupt councillors were top-
\nranking members of Muslim parties and some were even noted
\nreligious elders. Obviously, they turned the facts upside down.
\nWhile facing the law, these councillors still had the gall to
\nclaim that they acted in the interests of the public (the
\nMuslims).<\/p>\n
Paradoxes are also seen when national interests are touted to
\njustify oppression of the people. Defending the Unitary State of
\nthe Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) has even been used as a means to
\njustify human rights violations by state apparatuses against
\ncivilians.<\/p>\n
The military is indeed obligated to defend the national
\nintegrity of the state from the threat of separatism as has
\nhappened in Aceh and Papua but crimes against humanity by the
\nmilitary must be dealt with according to the law and should never
\nbe hidden behind the slogan of defending the territorial
\nintegrity of the country.<\/p>\n
During Soeharto's tenure, territorial integrity was used to
\nlegitimize efforts to maintain a centralized system. In fact, it
\nis this centralized system that had brought corruption into the
\ngovernment. Centralized administration even led to a wider gap in
\ndevelopment between Java and areas outside Java and the divide
\nbetween the rich and the poor.<\/p>\n
In this context, we have our worries that the territorial
\nintegrity, which is often heard amid the issues of
\ndecentralization and special autonomy (as in the cases of Papua
\nand Aceh) in the last few years, is perhaps intended to protect
\nthe interests and the privileges of certain elite groups in
\nJakarta. They realize that their interests will be threatened
\nonce the policy of regional autonomy and special autonomy is
\nproperly implemented.<\/p>\n
Nationalism is not just for the sake of nationalism itself.
\nNeither should nationalism be used in the interests of a few
\npeople in an elite group. In reality, nationalism should be
\nimplemented in the interests of all citizens. The people
\nthemselves have kept a strong sense of nationalism, as reflected
\nin their response to the Ambalat case. But in the case of
\nIndonesian migrant workers (for example) the people never feel
\nthat they are citizens.<\/p>\n
It is our job in future to make sure that the actualization of
\nnationalism may link people's basic needs in the economic,
\nsocial, political and other fields.<\/p>\n
The writer is a lecturer of political science at Andalas
\nUniversity, Padang.<\/p>",
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