After 50 years RI democracy needs reform<\/p>\n
As the nation fetes its 50th anniversary of independence this
\nmonth, noted political scientist J. Soedjati Djiwandono examines
\nour political life and the challenges that lie ahead.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Half a century is a young age for a nation. As a
\nnation, Indonesia is still in its infancy. Yet over the short
\nspan of 50 years, the country has been through strenuous and
\ncontinuous experimentation with one type of democracy and another
\nin search of an appropriate form.<\/p>\n
The result, however, is ambivalent. The Indonesian concept of
\nPancasila Democracy continues to be ill-defined. In the face of
\nglobalization, the nation can ill-afford such ambivalence. It is
\nlikely to weaken national unity, which is needed to cushion the
\nnation against the possible adverse effects of development, and
\nat the same time make sure the populace benefits fully.<\/p>\n
Democracy is admittedly a matter of degree. And despite the
\nobvious progress under the New Order, such as the regular
\nelections once every five years since 1971, from the point of
\nview of substance, Indonesia's democracy seems at the moment to
\nbe at a very low point indeed. There are indications of a
\ntendency toward a concentration of power in the executive branch,
\nand by contrast a continuous weakening of the powers of the
\nlegislative bodies. Individual freedoms, particularly the
\nfreedoms of expression and assembly, remain curtailed. Criticism,
\ndebates, and dialogs, which are essential ingredients of
\ndemocracy, are considered suspect and discouraged. Transparency
\nis lacking. Openness is uncertain of its effects on the decision-
\nmaking process.<\/p>\n
What the country needs urgently seems to be political reform.
\nThis, by definition, is to be carried out within and through the
\nexisting system based on the 1945 Constitution, which does
\nprovide ample room for reform. And we need reform that relates to
\nthe conceptual as well as operational aspects of our democratic
\nlife.<\/p>\n
We need to free ourselves from our debilitating ambivalence
\nonce and for all. On the conceptual side, Pancasila Democracy has
\nbeen vaguely defined in terms of its supposedly essential
\ndifference from western liberal democracy, at least in the way it
\nis commonly understood in this country, with respect to the
\nquestion of voting and the vague Indonesian understanding of
\ndeliberations for unanimity. But an election, for instance, is
\nafter all a form of voting. The 1945 Constitution also allows for
\nvoting.<\/p>\n
Pancasila Democracy should be taken as a safeguard for
\nnational unity, for it is on the very basis of the unity of the
\nIndonesian nation that the sovereign and independent Republic of
\nIndonesia has been established, as proclaimed on 17 Aug. 1945.<\/p>\n
This should mean that while voting is a natural mechanism for
\ndecision making in a democracy, it must not be applied
\nhaphazardly to cases in which the unity of the nation is at
\nstake. Such cases are those that involve disintegrative elements
\nwhich are contrary to our ideals of national unity. A religious
\nissue is one such element.<\/p>\n
The other aspect of Pancasila Democracy, which would make it a
\nreally Indonesian democracy, is the role of the Armed Forces as a
\nsocio-political force. Like it or not, that role has become an
\nintegral part of the growing tradition of Indonesian democracy.<\/p>\n
But exactly how the role of the Armed Forces in our democratic
\nlife is to be integrated into the system of checks and balances
\nneeds further study.<\/p>\n
But this is important. The system of checks and balances is a
\nvital aspect of modern democracy, which is expected to prevent a
\nconcentration of political power in the hands of one or the other
\nbranch of government, and thus to minimize possible abuse of
\npower. And the Armed Forces constitutes the mechanism which
\nfunctions as the state's legitimate monopoly over the means of
\nviolence.<\/p>\n
The role of the Armed Forces as a socio-political force has
\nbeen rooted in Indonesian history since the national revolution
\nfor independence and beyond. It is not the purpose here to delve
\ninto it. Suffice it to say, that without it Indonesia would have
\nbeen either divided or disintegrated, gone communist or to the
\nextreme right. The Pancasila State would have been dumped into
\nthe dustbin of history.<\/p>\n
This implies, in fact, that probably, as part of its
\nhistorical background quite apart from the revolutionary
\nexperience, the role of the Armed Forces as a socio-political
\nforce with their dwifungsi (dual function) has been enhanced by
\nthe failure of civilian groups in the past.<\/p>\n
The future role of the Armed Forces, therefore, will also be
\ndetermined by the advancement of civilian groups, particularly as
\nregards to their ideological orientation and their commitment to
\nthe ideals of national unity, quite aside from the necessary
\nleadership qualities, discipline, organization and other forms of
\nsophistication.<\/p>\n
On the operational side, the kind of reform needed seems to
\ninvolve some form of revitalization. That is to say, a number of
\nconstitutional provisions have little or no operational value as
\nyet. A mechanism needs to be developed through legislation by
\nwhich the House of Representatives can exercise control over the
\nexecutive branch with, if necessary, punitive measures set out
\nfor use.<\/p>\n
Another reform move would involve a mechanism for judicial
\nreview, with the purpose of allowing the constitution to adapt to
\nchanging demands and popular aspirations. And perhaps last, but
\nby no means least, is the need for a mechanism for a peaceful
\nchange of national leadership.<\/p>\n
In the last analysis, this should be the ultimate test of a
\nmodern democracy. Indeed, our economic \"take-off\" should be
\naccompanied by a political one. Only thus will Indonesia be ready
\nto enter the 21st century.<\/p>\n
The writer is a member of Board of Directors at the Centre for
\nStrategic and International Studies, Jakarta.<\/p>",
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