Additional work for the new MPR<\/p>\n
Soeharto's resignation from the presidency on May 21, 1998,
\nhas paved the way for political reform as demanded by university
\nstudents and other society members. But thus far, the reformation
\nprocess does not show significant progress. Political affairs
\nanalyst J. Soedjati Djiwandono proposes the best way to guarantee
\nthe continuation of reform.<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Since the general election, leading politicians
\nhave been preoccupied with the process of political horse-
\ntrading, especially now that no political party has won a clear
\nmajority of the vote. They have been focusing their attention on
\nwhat kind of coalitions are to be formed, with which political
\nparties, and considering what kind of deal to make as the price
\nof such coalitions. The central issue has been the election of
\nthe new president. What follows seems to be taken for granted, or
\nat least no one seems to care that much.<\/p>\n
The issue of reform seems to have been set aside. At any rate,
\nthe future of reform seems uncertain. Nor is it clear -- as it
\nwas before the elections -- which parties are for reform, and
\nwhich back the status quo. This may not be an important
\nconsideration for forming coalitions. I think it was Thomas
\nJefferson who said: "My loyalty to my party ends, where my
\nloyalty to my country begins." It would appear that few
\nIndonesian politicians are familiar with that patriotic form of
\nwisdom, let alone attempt to emulate it.<\/p>\n
Whoever is elected president, the new government is likely to
\nbe busy with the urgent problem of grappling with the economic
\ncrisis, reactivating the national economy, and running the
\nday-to-day business of the government. At the same time they will
\nbe responsible for ensuring public order, and perhaps try to
\npursue the corruption case against former president Soeharto, his
\nchildren and cronies. A new government may not have time to deal
\nwith the problems of political reform. Above all, it may not have
\nthe necessary constitutional power to implement fundamental
\nreform.<\/p>\n
Indeed, in the eyes of many in society, I believe the
\nformation of a new government will not be the single most
\nimportant symbol of change, it will also be the most visible
\nmanifestation of change. It may be the simple logic of the
\nordinary person in the street that the election of the incumbent
\nPresident would make the recent general election appear a useless
\nand wasteful exercise.<\/p>\n
That perception is due to the fact that not only was his party
\nthe runner-up in the elections, but also, and especially, because
\nhe was part and parcel of Soeharto's New Order regime. That
\nadministration's manipulation helped to make him vice president,
\nthen soon afterwards catapulted him to succeed Soeharto as
\nPresident. For this reason, how can the people be expected to
\nunderstand, and therefore to support, further reform processes?<\/p>\n
To be sure, the new government will be one with assured
\nlegitimacy. Hopefully, this will restore public as well as
\ninternational confidence in the government, a factor of great
\nsignificance in its efforts to overcome the severe economic
\ncrisis that has beset the country for too long. But this will be
\nunderstood by the politically conscious segment of the
\npopulation.<\/p>\n
Irrespective of which party will form a new government,
\nprobably with the help of coalition partners, reforms must go on
\nunhindered. And given the understanding that reform is a change
\nwithin and through the existing system -- in our case the system
\nbased on the 1945 Constitution -- this will be the responsibility
\nof the new People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the supreme
\ngoverning body in our political system.<\/p>\n
The new MPR should not stay idle after the election of a new
\npresident and a new vice president. Unless a special session of
\nthe MPR is convened in the event of a political crisis, 200 of
\nits members -- that is, apart from the 500 members of the House
\nof Representatives (DPR), who are concurrently members of MPR --
\nwill be idle for the rest of their five-year term, even given the
\npossibility that the new MPR will sincerely initiate reform
\nmeasures.<\/p>\n
It does not seem realistic, however, to expect the new MPR to
\ncomplete the reform process. Therefore, this time, the MPR --
\nespecially the 200 members, the DPR being fully occupied with its
\nwork with the executive branch -- should be entrusted with the
\ntask of carrying on the reform process. This is not to expect
\nthat the MPR will be able to complete the formidable task of
\nreform by the end of their term of office. With all due respect,
\nI do not think those honorable members are up to it.<\/p>\n
At any rate, however, they would prepare the ground for the
\ncontinuation of the reform process by the next MPR -- if we still
\nhave one -- within the next five years. Personally, I hope that
\nwe will no longer have this clumsy institution in our future
\npolitical system, thanks, hopefully, to a new, more democratic
\nConstitution.<\/p>\n
To that end, the MPR could form a special commission and
\nvarious committees, possibly under the leadership of the standing
\ncommittee. It could enlist help and input from various circles in
\nsociety. These could include politicians, intellectuals and
\nacademics from different disciplines.<\/p>\n
Whatever institution will be responsible for carrying on the
\nreform process, we must hope that in the course of time -- I do
\nnot know how long -- to have better educated, more skillful, and
\nmore sophisticated politicians. The ruinous effects of decades of
\ndictatorial rule, under both the Old Order and the New Order,
\nwith their own styles of indoctrination, suppression of
\nindividual freedoms, and impoverishment, in material, mental,
\nmoral, and intellectual terms, were extreme and would seem to
\nalmost be beyond treatment.<\/p>\n
We may need years and years to recover. For everybody, that is
\nwhat reform in this country is all about.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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