ABRI should drop its political role<\/p>\n
As Indonesia celebrates the 53rd anniversary of its Armed
\nForces (ABRI) today, political sciences lecturer Mochtar Mas'oed
\nof Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta stresses the necessity to
\nrealign the political role of ABRI to accelerate the
\ndemocratization process in the country.<\/p>\n
Question: Demands are increasing for ABRI to reduce its
\nsociopolitical role, while tension is mounting because of
\nincreased rioting and crime rates. How do you see this problem.?<\/p>\n
Mochtar: We are now in a transitional period full of political
\nuncertainty. But that should not necessarily mean that there will
\nbe chaos in the absence of a solid political role on the part of
\nABRI. The increase in social tension as the impact of the
\nheightened preparations for the coming general election and the
\nworsening economic crisis, should not be used as a pretext for
\nthe return of an authoritarian government.<\/p>\n
Because it is not clear whether President B.J. Habibie is
\naccepted by the people, the most urgent thing to do now is to
\nestablish political certainty by appointing legitimate leaders
\nthrough a general election.<\/p>\n
Q: How did ABRI become so deeply involved in politics?<\/p>\n
M: In the 1950s, ABRI was disappointed by its failure to play a
\nsignificant role in political development. It then set up a
\npolitical party and introduced some measures. Pioneered by Gen.
\nA.H. Nasution, ABRI, for example, formulated a People's Total War
\nconcept, which was then developed into the dual-function policy
\nthat allowed ABRI to play a political role in addition to
\ncarrying out its military tasks. This led to military
\nintervention in civilian life.<\/p>\n
Q: Recent statements by military leaders indicate that ABRI is
\nwilling to review its political role. Do you agree with that?<\/p>\n
M: I appreciate the stance of ABRI Commander Gen. Wiranto and
\nABRI's Chief of Sociopolitical Affairs Let. Gen. Susilo Bambang
\nYudhoyono, who have shown their commitment to democratization.
\nThe military's political role thus far has hindered the process
\nof democratization.<\/p>\n
ABRI must make the country's security and defense against
\nexternal threats its top priority. The evidence shows that ABRI
\nis now so weak it cannot protect the country's territories, such
\nas expelling poachers from Indonesian waters. It must see that
\nprotecting the country against external threats is more important
\nthan, for example, dispersing a demonstration of workers who are
\nfighting for their rights.<\/p>\n
Q: Why has ABRI assigned its personnel to become governors,
\nregents, mayors and directors of state-owned firms?<\/p>\n
M: That is just a logical consequence of the dual-function policy
\nand the military dominance in politics. That is why ex-president
\nSoeharto could make his regime militaristic.<\/p>\n
Q: How can we make our military more professional?<\/p>\n
M: We must abolish the dual-function policy and eradicate the
\nmyth that ABRI is the only institution that can formulate the
\nnational defense and security strategy. It must be reemphasized
\nthat ABRI is a state apparatus that has to obey the wants of the
\npeople.<\/p>\n
Military leaders must understand that the legitimation of
\nABRI's political role was the result of improper political
\nengineering and its intervention in political affairs will always
\nhinder democracy.<\/p>\n
At the technical level, ABRI must abandon its commercial
\nbusinesses, from which it can obtain money for its operational
\nspending. Because it finances its own operations, many of its
\nactivities, including the recent absurd abduction of political
\nactivists by military intelligence members (of the Army's Special
\nForce) and the killing of many people during military operations
\nin Aceh and East Timor, cannot be controlled or checked by the
\nHouse of Representatives (DPR).<\/p>\n
Q: Then, how should we finance the military?<\/p>\n
M: ABRI's expenditures must be covered wholly by the state
\nbudget, so that it can perform its tasks professionally and it
\ncan be held accountable for its actions.<\/p>\n
ABRI should take responsibility for the country's security and
\ndefense against external threats, while tasks related to internal
\norder should be left to the police.<\/p>\n
Q: Now that the police force will be separated from ABRI, can the
\npolice carry out its tasks without any assistance from ABRI?<\/p>\n
M: The police must improve its professionalism in enforcing the
\nlaw, so that it can restore its credibility and regain people's
\nconfidence.<\/p>\n
In the long run, the police force must decentralize its
\npolicies; local police commanders should be elected by local
\nresidents and police activities should be controlled by local
\nadministrations.<\/p>\n
Q: Are you sure that civilian leaders can manage the country?<\/p>\n
M: In the first few years of the republic, civilian leaders
\nproved more competent than military officers. But as soon as the
\nmilitary, which was well organized, formally entered the
\npolitical arena, the self-confidence of civilian leaders was
\nsystematically undermined, so that they felt unsure about their
\nown power. That was why, for example, some university rectors and
\nunion leaders tended to invite soldiers to disperse
\ndemonstrations in their areas. (44)<\/p>",
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