Abdurrahman's federalist system opposed by some<\/p>\n
HONG KONG: As violence continued to flare across Indonesia
\nlast week, the nation's military territorial affairs chief, Lt.
\nGen. Agus Widjojo, spoke out against President Abdurrahman
\nWahid's plan to implement some form of federalist system in the
\narchipelago nation. Widjojo echoed previous criticisms of the
\nidea when he said that federalism could bring \"larger costs and
\nhigher risks\" to the country.<\/p>\n
Official opposition to the president's plan is understandable.
\nFears of increased sectarian violence, and even the
\ndisintegration of the Indonesian nation are not unfounded. And
\ngiven the country's unpleasant experience with federalism
\nimmediately following the departure of the Dutch colonialists, it
\nis not surprising that the very word leaves many Indonesians with
\na bad taste in their mouths.<\/p>\n
Any kind of change-particularly on such a grand scale --
\ninvolves risk. But what is often forgotten is that maintaining
\nthe status quo can be just as risky. In Indonesia's case the
\nrisks involved in maintaining the system as it is, with a strong
\ncentral government administering farflung regions, may be even
\ngreater than the risk of granting these regions some real
\nautonomy.<\/p>\n
In the past 10 years, over 5,000 people in Aceh alone have
\nbeen killed or have disappeared as a result of the Indonesian
\nmilitary's attempt to defeat the independence movement.
\nMeanwhile, the devastation of East Timor by Jakarta-backed
\nmilitias after that territory voted for independence has done
\nlittle to instill trust in the central government.<\/p>\n
And the violence continues. Just last week, more than 180
\npeople were killed in the Malukus, bringing the death toll there
\nto over 2,000 in 18 months, while bombings connected with the
\nAceh dispute injured over 60 people in two days.<\/p>\n
This situation is clearly untenable. While it is true that
\nsome of this violence is the result of sectarian conflicts, and
\nwould have occurred even without the involvement of Indonesia's
\nmilitary, it would be a stretch to argue that military
\ninvolvement has made things any better.<\/p>\n
Maintaining the current relationship between Jakarta and the
\nnation's outlying regions can only lead to more resentment and
\nmore bloodshed. The only question is what to put in its place.<\/p>\n
President Wahid has already signed into law regulations that
\nwill grant more power over revenues to the provinces -- a major
\npoint of contention for the resource-rich regions. Under his
\nvision for a federalist system, provinces would be granted
\ngenuine autonomy and would have their own parliaments led by
\nelected governors.<\/p>\n
Reformers in the military, on the other hand, such as Widjojo,
\nwould prefer an approach which would grant autonomy in such areas
\nas health and education, transportation policies and investment
\napprovals, with Jakarta maintaining control over defense, foreign
\npolicy and the law.<\/p>\n
While this might help to ensure that outlying regions do not
\nbecome powerful enough to pose a threat to the central
\ngovernment, it would also make it less likely that they would be
\nstrong enough to defend their own interests against encroachment
\nfrom the center.<\/p>\n
Any plan needs to offer the provinces genuine protection from
\nthe Indonesian military and the militias that it supports. There
\nmust not be a replay of the East Timor tragedy.<\/p>\n
Of course, a federalist system alone cannot guarantee this.
\nTrue democracy, and accountability for those in office, would
\nhelp. What is truly missing in Indonesia is governmental
\naccountability. Until this is achieved, through democracy and
\nstrong Legal institutions, no grand plan, no matter how far-
\nsighted, will resolve the nation's problems.<\/p>\n
-- The Asian Wall Street Journal<\/p>", "url": "https:\/\/jawawa.id\/newsitem\/abdurrahmans-federalist-system-opposed-by-some-1447893297", "image": "" }, "sponsor": "Okusi Associates", "sponsor_url": "https:\/\/okusiassociates.com" }