A house of cards?<\/p>\n
While many politicians and observers underscore President
\nSoeharto's call for a stronger House of Representatives -- on an
\nequal footing with the presidency -- we can be sure that most of
\nthem have little or no idea whether or how this is possible.<\/p>\n
In making the call, after the inauguration of the new House
\nthis week, the President was restating the 1945 Constitution
\nwhich assign the House and the presidency different roles in
\nrunning the country, where neither is more powerful than the
\nother.<\/p>\n
It was a statement that had to be made, nevertheless, because
\nthe House has not lived up to constitutional expectations. Given
\nthe challenges facing Indonesia in the next millennium, it was
\nworthwhile restating the point again for the 500 new House
\nmembers as they embark on their new constitutional duty.<\/p>\n
But there is a great difference between what the constitution
\nwants and the political environment within which it is being
\napplied. Even in the most developed democracy with a presidential
\ngovernment -- take the United States as an example -- the
\npresidency in this infomedia age has become almost omnipotent, at
\nthe expense of the other institutions that make up democracy.<\/p>\n
The presidency -- be it in the United States or Indonesia --
\nhas so many resources at its disposal, including the powerful
\nbureaucratic machine. It also has virtually unlimited access to
\nthe media which further enhances its power beyond challenge.<\/p>\n
In spite of its own constitutional role to preserve democracy,
\nthe media have become a willing contributor to the growing power
\nof what one American analyst once described as the "imperial
\npresidency".<\/p>\n
With that kind of power and few checks and balances, it is no
\nwonder that many incumbent presidents all around the world get
\nreelected. Some countries -- though not Indonesia -- have
\nremedied this by introducing term limits. In some less democratic
\ncountries they resort to coups.<\/p>\n
In the current Indonesian political context, the likelihood of
\nthe House of Representatives rising to the same level as the
\npresidency is a daunting, if not an impossible, task. History,
\nespecially most recent history, is not on its side.<\/p>\n
House members are poorly equipped in any debate with the
\ngovernment, assuming that they had the political will or courage
\nto debate anything in the first place. The media also finds
\ngovernment statements more newsworthy to publish than those made
\nby House members, further contributing to the strengthening of
\nthe government vis-a-vis the House.<\/p>\n
Whether or not the House will live up to the constitutional
\nrole assigned to it, however, depends ultimately on the quality
\nof its members. Looking back at the way House members were
\nselected, screened and later elected in the May general election,
\nthe picture is not very encouraging.<\/p>\n
We recall the charges of nepotism and cronyism when candidates
\nwere selected for the May election. There was the exclusion of
\nMegawati Soekarnoputri, the deposed leader of the Indonesian
\nDemocratic Party (PDI), in spite of her popularity as shown by
\nthe outpouring of support during the election campaign.<\/p>\n
Nevertheless, one should give the newly installed House, and
\nthe larger People's Consultative Assembly, as well as its leaders
\nthe benefit of the doubt. They have been sworn in and they will
\nwork for the country over the next five years.<\/p>\n
President Soeharto's call for a solid House should be tempered
\nwith a dose of reality. Rather than aiming to strengthen its
\nposition vis-a-vis the presidency, the House should focus more on
\nmaking itself more effective in representing the people.<\/p>\n
The President's statement has created the necessary
\nenvironment for House members to raise their profile. Now, it is
\nup to them to prove that the legislative body is not a mere house
\nof cards.<\/p>",
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"sponsor": "Okusi Associates",
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