A compromise is sought on national education bill<\/p>\n
Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta,
\nkorpur@yahoo.com<\/p>\n
There was a strong sense of resentment among the 100
\nparticipants of a panel discussion on the national education
\nbill, organized by the St. Anna Catholic Church in East Jakarta
\non Sunday, as speakers such as Mochtar Buchori, a former rector
\nof Muhammadiyah University, failed to convince them that there
\nwas still a chance to stop the bill.<\/p>\n
The resentment was targeted particularly at Article 13, which
\nstates, \"Each student has the right to receive religious
\ninstruction in line with his\/her religion, and will be taught by
\nen educator of the same religion as the student.\" Participants
\nfelt adoption of the bill would lead to the loss of identity for
\nCatholic and Protestant schools.<\/p>\n
These schools are the main protesters of the bill, though
\nMuslims have also staged rallies -- but to express support for
\nthe bill, given their fear of \"Christianization\".<\/p>\n
President Megawati Soekarnoputri's customary silence has not
\nhelped reassure supporters or opponents of the bill, which has
\nnot helped in the search for a compromise that can bridge the
\ndivide between the two sides. The government apparently does not
\nrealize -- hopefully not because it does not care -- the danger
\nof the bill at the grassroots level if such prejudices are not
\naddressed.<\/p>\n
Article 13 of the bill has attracted the most attention, while
\nexperts have pointed out more substantial issues -- including the
\nlofty, unrealistic purpose of education as stated in the bill.
\nThus under the circumstances it is hard to expect that the bill
\nwill enable the nation to achieve ideal educational goals. The
\nlaw -- if it eventually is endorsed -- may only deepen the
\ndistrust between the two sides.<\/p>\n
The bill is still being deliberated by the House of
\nRepresentatives (DPR). Muslim-oriented parties like the United
\nDevelopment Party (PPP) strongly endorse the bill, while major
\nfactions like Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic Party of
\nStruggle (PDI Perjuangan) seem hesitant.<\/p>\n
The participants of the panel discussion could not hide their
\ndisappointment when they heard that Vice President Hamzah Haz of
\nPPP is among the bill's supporters. Their mood reflected the
\nresentment among the managements of Catholic and Protestant
\nschools who would be forced by the law, if passed, to provide
\nMuslim teachers to provide Islamic religious instruction to
\nMuslim students. Though because their church was bombed by a
\ngroup of extremists in 2001, the participants might be more
\nsensitive to any indication of hostility directed against them.<\/p>\n
Currently, all students at Catholic schools are obliged to
\nattend classes offering Catholic religious instruction, a
\npractice that has also been long adopted by Islamic schools.
\nUntil the 1980s Catholic and Protestant schools were favored by
\nmiddle and upper-class families, including Muslims. However, the
\nemergence of Islamic private schools and improved public schools
\nhave led to fewer Muslims at Catholic and Protestant schools.<\/p>\n
On the Muslim side there is still strong suspicion that
\nCatholic and Protestant schools use their educational advantages
\nfor their mission of \"Christianization\", although their argument
\nis not backed by any data or facts.<\/p>\n
Protestants and Catholics oppose the bill because they feel
\ntheir advantage in education is their last area of \"sovereignty\"
\nfrom the Islam side. Based on past experience there is a growing
\nfeeling that they are facing more discriminations from the state,
\ndirectly or indirectly, because of their religion.<\/p>\n
For example, it has become more difficult to obtain a permit
\nto build a church, and even if a government permit has been
\nobtained Muslim neighbors often do not allow the construction.
\nAnd attacks on churches are increasing.<\/p>\n
The fear of Christianization still haunts Muslims, even though
\nthey make up at least 87 percent of the population. Due to his
\nown fears of the threat posed by Islam, Soeharto hired many non-
\nMuslims for key government and military posts, a practice he
\ncontinued in until the early 1990s, when he began to portray
\nhimself as a Muslim leader. Many Muslims believe they are only a
\nmajority in number but remain a minority in terms of the economy,
\nwhich is perceived to be controlled by non-Muslims.<\/p>\n
The government should take all necessary measures to ensure
\nthe education bill can accommodate the aspirations of the two
\ndifferent camps. It will not be an easy task, especially with the
\ngovernment and the House focused on next year's legislative and
\npresidential elections.<\/p>\n
Politically, it is safer and easier for President Megawati to
\nsupport the bill, because if she takes the opposite tack her
\nopponents could use it to block her in the next year's election.
\nHowever, as the head of state the President is obliged by the
\nConstitution to protect all citizens regardless of their
\nbackground.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, more attention needs to be paid to the rest of
\nthe education bill. One overlooked example is the article on
\nacademic degrees -- of which Hamzah Haz could be a victim.<\/p>\n
Hamzah's oft-doubted honorary doctorate, which he received
\nfrom distance-learning American World University in 1998,
\nreportedly cost a few thousand dollars. The university cannot be
\nfound on the national education ministry's list of accredited
\nuniversities, and Hamzah often uses the honorary degree in
\nofficial documents. According to Article 60 of the bill, anyone
\nwho uses a degree from an unaccredited university can be
\nsentenced to up to five years in prison or fined up to Rp 500
\nmillion.<\/p>\n
Maybe if the Vice President were aware of this legal threat,
\nhe might decide to join Catholic and Protestant schools in
\nopposing the bill.<\/p>",
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