A closer look at appeals to review Aceh's martial law<\/p>\n
Imanuddin Razak, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta,
\niman@thejakartapost.com<\/p>\n
Politics is the art or science concerned with guiding or
\ninfluencing governmental policy. Politics is also the art or
\nscience concerned with winning and holding control over a
\ngovernment.<\/p>\n
Both are among definitions stipulated in the Merriam Webster's
\nCollegiate Dictionary. And perhaps both definitions could explain
\nthe reason behind last Monday's maneuver by the House of
\nRepresentatives (DPR) to call for a thorough evaluation of the
\nimplementation of martial law in the restive province of Nanggroe
\nAceh Darussalam, so as to determine future policies in the
\nprovince.<\/p>\n
The call comes just weeks before martial law is due to expire
\non Nov. 19. It also comes after widespread allegations of abuses
\ncommitted by government troops and the separatist Free Aceh
\nMovement (GAM) rebels.<\/p>\n
President Megawati Soekarnoputri signed a decree on May 19
\nimposing martial law on Aceh for six months, thereby providing
\nthe legal infrastructure needed for the Indonesian Military (TNI)
\nto launch an all-out war against GAM.<\/p>\n
Based on Presidential Decree No. 28\/2003 issued on May 19, the
\nprovince of Aceh was placed under martial law for six months,
\nwith the possibility of an extension.<\/p>\n
While observers and activists have suggested that the military
\noffensive in Aceh be halted, TNI chief Gen. Endriartono Sutarto
\nhas said that the military wants an extension of martial law in
\nAceh, without mentioning a specific timeframe.<\/p>\n
The legislative body's first maneuver was followed by a second
\non Wednesday, when House leaders suggested that President
\nMegawati consult with legislators before extending martial law in
\nthe country's westernmost province.<\/p>\n
\"We hope the government will ask for confirmation from the
\nHouse (for the extension of martial law), because the Aceh
\nproblem is a national problem, not only the problem of the
\ngovernment,\" House Speaker Akbar Tandjung said.<\/p>\n
The House's measure sounded commonplace and simple as it
\nshowed what the legislative body was supposed to do, i.e.,
\nmonitoring and controlling the government, especially its
\npolicies.<\/p>\n
Aside from the questionable constitutional debate on whether
\nthe President must consult the House prior to imposing or
\nextending the implementation of martial law in Aceh, the above
\nmeasure of the House could seriously impact the ruling
\ngovernment, especially in the face of the next general elections.<\/p>\n
As an \"opposition\" to the ruling government and also as part
\nof the country's law-making bodies, the House has the power to
\ndictate to the government -- the holder of the mandate given by
\nthe People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), in which the House is
\npart of it -- in its policies.<\/p>\n
The failure of the ruling government to comply with the
\nHouse's request could lead to trouble for the government during
\nthe plenary session of the MPR which hears the
\nPresident's\/government's accountability speech.<\/p>\n
And such a failure of the ruling government, dominated by the
\nwinner of the 1999 general elections -- the Indonesian Democratic
\nParty of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) -- to perform the tasks
\nmandated or ordered by the law-making body could be a negative
\nfactor for the party chaired by Megawati, in its bid for next
\nyear's general elections.<\/p>\n
As part of the rules of the game in Indonesian politics, the
\nruling government must comply with the House's orders. If the
\norders are ignored, the government must bear the costs.<\/p>\n
Worse, the failure to address the latest issue will add to the
\nmunitions which the House can fire at the plenary session of the
\nMPR, which will mark the end of the President's five-year tenure.<\/p>\n
The ruling government could indeed challenge the rules,
\nignoring the House's calls by lobbying legislators from other
\npolitical parties (through PDI Perjuangan legislators) to avoid
\ntrouble for Megawati and her government in the plenary session.<\/p>\n
As it will likely be impossible to gain support and set up a
\nstrong coalition with Muslim-oriented political parties, due to
\ntheir different political platforms, PDI Perjuangan could attempt
\nto form a coalition with the second largest political party --
\nGolkar -- in an attempt to secure majority votes to nullify any
\nmoves against the ruling government.<\/p>\n
However, it will not be that easy to persuade Golkar to join
\nthe band as the latter is striving hard to restore its tarnished
\nimage (related to its past links with the New Order\/Soeharto
\nregime). Any obvious political compromise or deal may hamper its
\nelection bid next year.<\/p>\n
Last weekend's clash among supporters of PDI Perjuangan and
\nGolkar in Buleleng, Bali --in which two Golkar supporters were
\nkilled -- is also not an easy obstacle to be settled in such a
\nshort period of time, ahead of the May 2004 election.<\/p>\n
Also, such a move would require the extra effort and resources
\nof PDI Perjuangan, as other parties, including Golkar, are eager
\nfor as many votes as possible in next year's election. Any
\nunpopular move, i.e. vote buying in the MPR plenary session,
\nespecially when it's then leaked to the media, will be a blow to
\ntheir election bid.<\/p>\n
To some analysts, the House's maneuvers could also be seen as
\npreventing Megawati and her Indonesian Democratic Party of
\nStruggle from leniency when dealing with the TNI, which will
\npermanently quit its active involvement in politics -- in the
\nHouse and the Assembly -- beginning next year.<\/p>\n
The public and the House have been observing Megawati's
\npolicies, which according to them, have frequently favored the
\nTNI. The latest controversial case was the purchase of four
\nRussian Sukhoi jet-fighters, which was made upon the approval of
\nthe President but without the House's consent.<\/p>",
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